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Russia Today’s Beast Of Burden

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THE ABSURD TIMES




Illustration courtesy of Latuff the Great or neo-fascists morons in Ukraine at work.



          I had thought that the nonsense over Russia Today TV had dissipated, but even I had underestimated the ferocity of U.S. Corporate media in protecting their own turf and serving as the official "Voice of Truth" available to the American Public.  Unfortunately, the teeny bopper news anchor mentioned below is now making the rounds of the corporate news outlets, first on Fox, of course,  and soon to follow on others.  Lip service is given to "all sides of the issue," here, but our news is very careful to adhere only to issues that assure a large audience of room temperature I.Q. idiots and ignorant dolts in the 18 to 35 year old range, or is it 35 to 55?  Also, care is taken not to violate the brainwashing that has taken place in our school systems.  (I know I am sticking my head out here, but I just thought I'd point out that the Universe is almost 14 million years old, much more that 6,000, and to hell with the consequences.)

          Here is a column published by Mr.  Schecter over two weeks ago on the subject:

Russia Today’s Beast Of Burden

March 9, 2014
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James Kirchick is just the neutral reporter the Daily Beast would assign to report on the ideological controversy surrounding the Russian backed RT-TV Channel’s coverageof the crisis in the Ukraine.
The Beast lives up to its name by sending a hardcore polemical ideologue to uncover what he predictably labels as ideological media bias.
Kirchick is a veteran of the anti-communist wars, now revived as the anti Putin wars, not some neutral journo crusading for democracy.
According to Wikipedia, he is a fellowwith the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, prior to this he was writer-at-large for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. He is a graduate of the New Republic, Murdoch’s Weekly Standard and writes for Azure, a magazine that described itself as pro-Zionist and free market.
Ok, just so we know who are dealing with here.
And now, to bolster his “credibility” he presents himself as a victim in his latest article that exposes himself, far more than his target, asserting that his rights as a journalist were somehow compromised because of a gutsy quest for truth.
Here’s his exhibit:
The Headline: “Watch RT, Putin’s TV Network, Call the Cops on Me”
The Lead:“That’s what happens, it seems, when you ask some simple questions outside RT’s Washington headquarters.”
The Polemic:“What would possess an American to work for a Russian propaganda outlet, especially now that the world is on the brink of a potential war in Eastern Europe? 
I asked that question of about two dozen people coming in and out of the Washington headquarters of RT, the Kremlin-funded television network that has become infamous in recent days for whitewashing Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. No one would answer me directly. Instead, RT called the local cops on me. …”
Kirchik’s first story in his jihad against RT was to interview Anchor Liz Wahl who resigned flamboyantly on the air denouncing the channel she worked and making her an instant shero among Russia-bashers the world over.
Wahl offered up sweet innocence laced with the veneer of red white and blue (drop the red) patriotism, declaring, “I’m very lucky to have grown up here in the United States,” she said. “I’m the daughter of a veteran. My partneris a physician at a military base where he sees every day the first-hand accounts of the ultimate prices that people pay for this country. And that is why personally I cannot be part of a network that whitewashes the actions of Putin. I am proud to be an American and believe in disseminating the truth and that is why after this newscast I’m resigning.”
Cue the National Anthem!
Funny, after her declaration of independence, and stagy pledge to quit was broadcast on a network that could have cut her off, none other than former Congressman Ron Paul who was interviewed by Wahl weighed in after she claimed RT censored her interview with him.
He denied it, saying, “I don’t think it was slanted in any way.”
Earlier, another RT on-air personality, Abby Martin, also denounced Putin’s Ukraine policyon the air but was not fired and did not quit.
Later, she turned up on CNN debating Piers Morgan, he of the show about to be cancelled, about how fair and objective most American TV is. She was far better informed on that subject than this departing British host in assessing the US press, and on a network considered by some critics as an “American propaganda outlet.”
In an article about Martin in National Journal, Lucia Graves wrote, “While it’s clear the network maintainsa strong pro-Russian bias, Glenn Greenwald on Tuesday defended RT’s coverage, saying it isn’t so different from what we saw on American media outlets in the lead up to the Iraq War. “For all the self-celebrating American journalists and political commentators: Was there even a single U.S. television host who said anything comparable to this in the lead up to, or the early stages of, the U.S. invasion of Iraq?” he wrote.
On Google, a story from CNN on Wahl’s hyped farewell to RT carried Martin’s picture, not hers.

Oh well, details, details!
Back to Mr. Kirchick’s heroism in defense of democracy!
What you see is a wise-guy provocateur harassing people entering the building with hostile, if not nasty and self-righteous questions, in an argumentative and aggressively hostile manner.
RT later challenged this image-building exercise of the “man who is not afraid of Putin” with a denial that they called the cops, an “update” that the Daily Beast tacked on to their story.
“RT America did not contact the DC police at any point,” Anna Belkina said in a statement. “The building’s security personnel called in the police after an intruder has been reported inside the building. The police questioned Mr. Kirchick as part of the investigation of that incident.”
Kirchick’s shouted out questions were there to call attention to himself, and score political points, and not to challenge the network that actually offers programs with views that are more diverse than on any US TV news channel. It features programs with Tom Hartmann and even Larry King, both of whom deny they have been censored.
As an occasional commentator on RT News myself, I can and have said the same. I am not surprised that the networks I once worked for, ABC, CNN and CNBC never have me on, while BBC, RT, Press TV and Saudi TV, among others, feature my commentaries without telling me what to say.
Kirchick is less bothered by what gets on RT than that it exists at all, and especially because the network has built an audience among Americans disgusted by how controlled and manipulated most US media outlets are.
His real target are RT’s viewers who he bitterly denounces as a “species,” perhaps because they are looking for information you never find on the Daily Beast or many of the outlets he whores for as a self-styled “objective newsman.”
Listen to this: “RT has become the go-to network for a particular species of disillusioned American, fed-up with what the “corporate media” is telling them about the world.”
He doesn’t waste any putdowns either from an arsenal of vituperative broadsides and even—get this— denounces RT employees as “slovenly.”
He then rants on to share what may have been his Yale-bred elitism about his perception of the people the network interviews that includes politicians and commentators of all stripes.
“RT, both in its employment and viewership,” he writes,” seems to attract a particular type of person. You know the man who writes political chain emails IN ALL CAPS or the bag lady shouting on the street corner about the metal device the government has implanted in her head? Under normal circumstances, no one would give them a television show. But these are the people who appear on, and watch, RT.”
Oh, really– another round of clichés to keep the truth from getting in the way of his preconceived perceptions.
Now, now, feel better Mr. Kirchick, time to take your medication, before you melt down, or stir up more hatred and animosity for people who lack your years of slimy experience as a media warrior in the service of a neocon empire.
MR KIRCHICK?
Oh, you have more to say?
“For the past 9 years, RT has provided steady paychecks and frequent media appearances to a veritable insane asylum of the great unwashed and unemployable dredges of the American fringe.”
Whew, I am glad he got that out of his system, until tomorrow, of course, when he will find another way of cursing without cursing, while showcasing superiority to those of us in that other sub- human “species.”
Now, let me get back to my Rolling Stones record:
I‘ll never be your beast of burden
I’ll never be your beast of burden
Never, never, never, never, never, never, never be
Also, by the way, do I need to say that I am not a Putin booster, my father was a veteran, I have pledged allegiance to the flag many times, and wrote two books and made a film about media miscoverage of the Iraq War. My critique was based, in part, in my own experience in network TV.

News Dissector Danny Schechter edits Mediachannel.org and blogs at NewsDissector.net. His latest book is Madiba A to Z: The Many Faces of Nelson Mandela. Comments to dissector@mediachannel.org. 

WHAT WENT WRONG IN EGYPT

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WHAT WENT WRONG IN EGYPT



Illustration: The Court in Egypt -- A day in court?

          Egypt has gone downhill since the revolution, the #Jan25 of Twitterdom.  How could this happen?

          Well, the first thing was that the leader of the Moslem Brotherhood resigned because the organization was excluded from elections as a political party.  Right after that, they were allowed to run, leaving Morsi able to run with the full resources of the Brotherhood behind him.  The major problem with a religious party, once in power, is that whoever is in charge can claim that God approves of what he is doing and the source is not easily available.  You can try 1-800-CALL-GOD, but it won't work.

          Next, the centrists and the leftists, especially the leftists who did the most to expunge Egypt of Mubarak, is that they did not cooperate.  Rather, they split into a myriad of factions leaving them with about 9 or more candidates to split the vote.  On the left, as we well know, there is always a tendency to proclaim oneself more committed to the rights of man than the other, the more liberal than thou syndrome, that splits movements and eliminates effectiveness.  The center has similar problems, although they tend to center on economic policy.

          So, Morsi easily was elected, but the judicial system would not allow him to finalize a constitution.  So, he simply proclaimed it law.  From that, his aggression against dissent intensified.

          Things got so bad, that the people revolted again hoping that the Army would help them again.  This time, however, the military proved even more rigid than the Brotherhood.  Now, the leader of the military is going to run for president, and one can easily predict that he will be elected as the brotherhood is once again banned from running in elections and the rest of the sensible people will not get organized in time.

          Even our reporter, one who we have followed for some time, is extremely careful in the following interview.  He is not one to back down from a fight and does convey the basic facts, but those of us who know him can see from his language that he is being careful lest he wind up in jail to join 20,000 others, about a hundred journalists among them:

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 26, 2014

Egypt’s Courts Further Repression with Journos on Trial & Mass Death Sentence for Morsi Supporters

Egypt is facing international criticism after the largest mass sentencing in its modern history. On Monday, 529 supporters of ousted President Mohamed Morsi were ordered killed over the death of a single police officer in protests last summer. The trial lasted just over two days, with the majority tried in absentia. The exceptionally swift trial and harsh sentences mark a new escalation of the Egyptian military regime’s crackdown on Morsi supporters, which has led to hundreds of deaths and thousands of arrests. In another closely watched trial, Al Jazeera journalists Peter Greste, Baher Mohamed and Mohamed Fahmy have been denied bail after nearly three months in prison. They are accused of belonging to or aiding a terrorist organization. Meanwhile, two leading Egyptian activists have been freed after over 100 days behind bars. Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Ahmed Abdel Rahman are among a group of activists charged with violating the military regime’s anti-protest law. They and 23 others have been released on bail but still face a trial that resumes next month. We go to Cairo to speak with Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Widespread outrage continues to grow after the largest mass sentencing in modern Egyptian history. Human rights groups, the United States and the European Union have denounced an Egyptian court’s recent decision to sentence 529 supporters of ousted President Mohamed Morsi to death. The convictions followed a trial that lasted just over two days, with the majority of the accused tried in absentia for their alleged role in killing a single police officer last summer. Now, a new mass trial has opened involving 683 people, including top Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohammed Badie. On Tuesday, U.S. State Department spokesperson Marie Harf denounced the trials.
MARIE HARF: Implementation of yesterday’s verdict, imposing the death penalty on 529 defendants after a two-day trial, would be unconscionable. The verdicts handed down yesterday by the court and the commencement of another mass trial for 683 individuals today in the same court represent a flagrant disregard for basic standards of justice. The imposition of the death penalty for 529 defendants after a two-day summary proceeding cannot be reconciled with Egypt’s obligations under international human rights law. And its implementation of these sentences, as I said, would be unconscionable.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: The exceptionally swift trial and harsh sentences mark a new escalation of the Egyptian military regime’s crackdown on Morsi supporters, which has led to hundreds of deaths and thousands of arrests. Amnesty International said the recent mass convictions were, quote, "a grotesque example of the shortcomings and the selective nature of Egypt’s justice system." On Tuesday in Alexandria, students took to the streets in protest. This is Maha Abdel Aziz.
MAHA ABDEL AZIZ: [translated] This is the beginning of an escalation, and we will stop the police. We will not be quiet. We are here today against military rule, and we are all chanting together, whether Muslim Brotherhood, 6 of April Movement, Horeya movement or Ahrar movement. Anyone chanting anything other than "Down with military rule," we are obliged to deal with them. Today we are here united to bring down military rule.
AMY GOODMAN: Meanwhile, two leading Egyptian activists have been freed after over a hundred days behind bars. Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Ahmed Abdel Rahman are among a group of activists charged with violating the military regime’s anti-protest law. They and 23 others have been released on bail but still face a trial that resumes next month.
For more, we go to Cairo, Egypt, where we’re joined by Democracy Now!’s Sharif Abdel Kouddous.
Sharif, welcome back to Democracy Now! Start with the sentencing of—what is it—529 people to death.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Right, Amy. I mean, by all accounts, this was a stunning verdict that was handed down the other day. As you mentioned, 529 people sentenced to death in one of the largest death sentence rulings in modern history across the world. The judge issued his verdict after just one day in court on Saturday, a session in which defense lawyers said they weren’t allowed to present their case at all before the judge. There was—the defendants were, hundreds of them, in a cage in the courtroom, were chanting. The judge ordered security forces to close in on the defense lawyers, and then quickly adjourned the session and said he would issue his verdict two days later. And the verdict came down and really sent shockwaves throughout the international community, has been condemned by the EU, the United States. The Obama administration condemned it, as did local and international human rights groups.
And as you mentioned, that same judge just adjourned another mass trial on many similar charges involving suspected Morsi supporters, including the head of the Muslim Brotherhood, Mohammed Badie. This trial involved over 680 people, and the judge again adjourned it. The defense boycotted the proceedings following the verdict in the other case. And he’ll issue a verdict in that case on April 28th.
So, this has already sparked protests in Egypt. A group called the Students Against the Coup have called for protests in at least six universities today. Pro-Morsi groups, including the Anti-Coup Alliance, have called for demonstrations, as well. So, this ruling really is only serving to stoke the flames of tension in Egypt further.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Sharif, could you explain specifically what this case was about? What are these 529 people convicted of?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: They’re charged with murder, attempted murder, joining an outlawed group with the intention of toppling the government, and stealing government weapons in connection with the attack on a police station in Minya, in southern Egypt. This took place in August following the raids on the pro-Morsi sit-ins, where at least 600 people were killed on August 14th. This set off violence in much of the country in retaliation. In this particular attack regarding this case, one police officer was killed. And in retaliation, these 545 people were put on trial, and as we know, 529 of which are now—have now been sentenced to death. Even judicial officials involved with this case are critical of the ruling. It’s widely expected to be overturned on appeal on proceeding—on procedure alone. So we’ll have to wait and see what happens with that.
But really, it really was a stunning verdict, and especially when you put it in the context of another recent court case in which a trial was brought against police officers who were charged in the killing of 37 prisoners who died of suffocation in a truck in August. One police officer was sentenced to 10 years in prison, and three others sentenced to one-year suspended sentences, which means they don’t serve any prison time. So, when you compare those to the lack of justice in Egypt’s justice system, it’s very stark.
AMY GOODMAN: Sharif, defense attorneys in the Muslim Brotherhood case boycotted the proceedings, complaining of judicial irregularities and media censorship. This is defense lawyer Tarek Fouda.
TAREK FOUDA: [translated] Implemented today in the crime of Edwa, there is a boycott by all lawyers to the hearing, an historical stand. And everyone should know that the lawyers’ syndicate will not and would not turn its back on a state based upon the law and the solidification of the spearhead that is the law.
AMY GOODMAN: Hours after Tuesday’s trial began, protests broke out at Minya University. Police lobbed tear-gas canisters, fired in the air, in attempt to disperse hundreds of demonstrators. Sharif?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Right. As I said, this is further stoking flames of tension in Egypt. We’ve seen ongoing protests since Morsi’s ouster back in July. But really, in 2014, a second wave of repression and crackdown has been significantly increasing. Many hundreds, thousands of people have been imprisoned by—at least 16,000 people are in jail, have been imprisoned since Morsi’s ouster in July. The higher count of that puts it at 24,000 in prison. Up to 2,500 people have been killed. And so, we’ve seen some of the worst violence, some of the worst repression in Egypt’s modern history take place. And rulings like this only serve to feed the flames of tension in Egypt.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Can you say a little about how the regime has responded, if at all, to the condemnation from the EU, the U.S., the international community and the human rights organizations in Egypt to this verdict?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Well, officials in Egypt typically cite the independence of the judiciary and do not comment on justice cases. We saw the head of the State Information Service speak with Christiane Amanpour on CNN, defend the ruling or say he couldn’t comment on it. So, typically, this has been the typical response of the Egyptian regime to these kinds of cases.
There’s other cases that are ongoing, as well, that have received international attention, particularly the case of the Al Jazeera journalists who are on trial. This is a landmark case. Three Al Jazeera journalists have been imprisoned for nearly three months now after being arrested on December 29th. They’re on trial on terrorism charges. Mohamed Fahmy is a Canadian-Egyptian citizen, who was the acting bureau chief of Al Jazeera English; Australian correspondent Peter Greste; and Baher Mohamed, an Egyptian producer. The third court session of their trial adjourned on Sunday. The next session is being held on March 31st. They’re living in a notorious prison called Tora, sharing a cell, all three of them. They’re locked up 23 hours a day. They’re not allowed any books or writing materials and, up until recently, weren’t even allowed newspapers.
Mohamed Fahmy is suffering an injury in his arm. He had a fractured shoulder unrelated to his arrest, but it was worsened and broke during his detention. During the first weeks of his imprisonment, he was denied any proper medical attention. He was imprisoned in a worse section of the prison, a maximum-security wing known as the Scorpion, where he was held in solitary confinement without a bed, without sunlight, and his condition worsened and healed incorrectly. He can now only lift his right arm a few inches from his waist. He requires surgery and physical therapy to—in order to recover.
So this case has sparked solidarity protests around the world by journalists and by others calling for their release. At this session, they all, from the defendants’ cage, told reporters that the international pressure was very important to their case and that it helped with—alleviate some of their conditions. And so they’re calling on people to continue the pressure, and they’re demanding to be released on a fair trial.
AMY GOODMAN: Sharif, this is Mohamed Fahmy from the cage in the courtroom condemning the proceedings.
MOHAMED FAHMY: Today’s proceedings show that there is—it seems like all the witnesses have some amnesia or something, Alzheimer’s. There’s a lot of discrepancies in the documents and what they are saying themselves. The prosecutor has a lot to answer for, for allowing the four engineers in the Maspero state TV to have exactly the same copy/paste testimony, that we have seen in our video
AMY GOODMAN: That is Mohamed Fahmy. So, where does this case go, and why is the Egyptian government trying these three Al Jazeera journalists, Sharif?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Well, the case, as I said, they are charged with joining or aiding a terrorist organization, charged with creating false scenes that harm Egypt’s reputation abroad in the benefit of the Muslim Brotherhood. It’s a very significant escalation in the crackdown on the press in Egypt. It marks one of the rare times that journalists have been put on trial and the first time that journalists face these kinds of very serious terrorism charges, which carry sentences, potential sentences, of up to 15 years in prison.
The Al Jazeera English was broadcasting from Egypt, would cover a lot of opposition voices, a lot of the protests that were taking place on universities and so forth. And we can only imagine or surmise that this is a way to clamp down on any media that was really covering the other side of the Egyptian political sphere. We’ve seen a crackdown on all of the local press. The pro-Morsi channels have all been shut down. The private media and the state media act as a propaganda mouthpiece, for the most part, for the regime, and so it’s very hard to hear opposition voices. People also assume that this is a crackdown also because of Al Jazeera being a Qatari-owned station and the animosity between Qatar and the government in Egypt, and this being a manifestation of that. But by all accounts, press freedom groups across the world have condemned this case, and journalists around the world are calling for their release. And it marks a serious escalation in the repression on press freedom in Egypt.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Sharif, could you speak briefly about the release of Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Ahmed Abdel Rahman, along with 23 other activists released on bail, and the significance of their release?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Right, well, I think, you know, the crackdown has focused largely on the Muslim Brotherhood and his supporters, but it has seriously widened much beyond that and has encompassed all kinds of opposition voices, including Alaa Abd El-Fattah, who’s one of the most prominent activists in Egypt. He was jailed under the Mubarak regime, was jailed by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that replaced Mubarak, was issued an arrest warrant under Morsi, and was jailed this time for a hundred days without having a hearing. His case was transferred to a criminal court, and he was refused a hearing up until just a few days ago, in which the judge did grant bail. He is charged with organizing a protest and violating a very draconian protest law that was put in place by the unelected government here in November. And the case is very meaningful because it’s still ongoing. He still could get a verdict.
Alaa was held in a prison section along with other very prominent activists, like Ahmed Maher and Mohammed Adel of the April 6 Youth Movement, and Douma, as well. And there’s thousands of other protesters who have been rounded up on the streets. Over a thousand were rounded up just on one day alone, on January 25th of this year. They’ve been held in terrible conditions. There’s been widespread accounts of beating, of torture. And prosecutors have been complicit in this crackdown by renewing preventative detention orders, so where preventative detention is being used as a form of punishment. So, many people don’t even have—have not seen a judge and are just being held with 15-day detention orders that continually are renewed. When court cases do come, they’re typically handed something like two to three years in prison for charges like breaking the protest law or gathering or trying to harm national security.
Many of these protesters are poor. They don’t have proper legal representation. Many of them are the only breadwinners in their family. And many of them are young. And this is really seen as a targeting of an entire generation, that its first experience with Egyptian politics has been the revolution. And they have seen over the past three years friends and colleagues and loved ones be jailed or be killed or be wounded in this uprising and the struggle, and I doubt very much that this kind of repression will silence them. And in fact, it’s really stoking the flames of further unrest. So, in 2014, we still have a long way to go to achieve real change in Egypt.
AMY GOODMAN: Sharif, we want to thank you for being with us, Sharif Abdel Kouddous reporting from Cairo, Egypt. And we’re looking at images of Alaa Abd El-Fattah when he was released, holding his baby, who was born when he was in prison under Mubarak, just as he was born as his father was imprisoned years before. Sharif Abdel Kouddous, thanks so much. This is Democracy Now! When we come back, we’ll look at Saudi Arabia with Patrick Cockburn in London. Stay with us.


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Egypt, Activist, out on Bail

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          We understand that last month was the first month in over a decade in which no American soldiers were killed in Afghanistan.   We also realize that is is April fools' day.  It is not clear if there is any relation.

          In this interview, the reporter, at least, seems to be his old self.  Welcome back.

         
MONDAY, MARCH 31, 2014

Exclusive: Egyptian Activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah on Prison & Regime’s "War on a Whole Generation"

In a Democracy Now! global broadcast exclusive, we spend the hour with one of Egypt’s most prominent dissidents, Alaa Abd El-Fattah, speaking in his first extended interview after nearly four months behind bars. An open Internet and political activist, Fattah has been at the forefront of the struggle for change in Egypt for many years and has the distinction of having been actively persecuted by Egypt’s past four successive rulers. Facing a potential return to prison in the coming months, Fattah sits down with Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous to discuss his case, Egypt’s future and its ongoing crackdown on activists. "They are on a sentencing frenzy," Fattah says of Egypt’s military rulers. "This is not just about me. It’s almost as if it’s a war on a whole generation." Special thanks to Omar Robert Hamilton and Sherine Tadros.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Today, a Democracy Now! broadcast exclusive. Egypt’s electoral commission announced Sunday the country’s presidential elections will be held in late May. At this point, the vote is widely expected to be won by Egypt’s former military chief, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who announced his resignation from the military last week to run for office. Sisi led the overthrow of President Mohamed Morsi last summer. Since then, some 2,500 people have been killed, and at least 16,000 people arrested.
In our global broadcast exclusive today, we spend the hour with one of Egypt’s most prominent dissidents, Alaa Abd El-Fattah, speaking in his first extended interview since his release from prison after nearly four months behind bars. An open Internet and political activist, Alaa has been at the forefront of the struggle for change in Egypt for many years and has the distinction of having been actively persecuted by the past four successive rulers in Egypt. In 2006, under the Mubarak regime, he was detained at a protest calling for independence of the judiciary and was jailed for 45 days. In 2011, he emerged as a leading face of the revolution that forced Mubarak out of office. Later that year, under the rule of the military council that replaced Mubarak, he was jailed again, this time for 56 days. His son, Khaled, was born while he was behind bars. Then, during the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi, Alaa was issued an arrest warrant as part of a government crackdown on critical voices.
This past November, after the military’s ouster of Morsi and a brutal attack on the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters, the interim Cabinet issued a draconian protest law to further crack down on any opposition. Dozens of people were arrested the next day at a protest near Parliament, among them Alaa’s sister, Mona, who was eventually released. Despite the No to Military Trials activist group publicly admitting to organizing the protest, prosecutors issued an arrest warrant for Alaa as the organizer of the event. He was jailed in the same prison ward as other leading activists Ahmed Maher and Mohamed Adel of the April 6th Youth Movement, as well as Ahmed Douma, whose health is deteriorating every day.
After 115 days behind bars, Alaa was finally brought before a judge, who released him on bail. His case is still ongoing. He says he expects to be convicted and sent back to prison. In the first interview since his release, Alaa discusses his imprisonment, the wave of repression in Egypt and the state of the revolution. He sat down withDemocracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous, who interviewed him in Cairo, Egypt, on Sunday.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Alaa Abd El-Fattah, welcome toDemocracy Now!
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: Thank you.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Let’s start by talking about the night of your arrest. Explain exactly what happened.
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: They broke into my house around 9:00 p.m. Like a foolish special forces squad [inaudible]—I don’t know, they looked like guys coming out of a Hollywood movie, like with their faces concealed and with heavy weapons and bulletproof vests and so on. And they just shattered the door and walked into the house, beat me and beat my wife. Fortunately, my son was sleeping, and they did not touch him. And then they started collecting all electronic devices, like mobile phones and laptops and so on, even though they did not have a search warrant. They only had an arrest warrant. The beating was because I protested this. And then I was blindfolded and transferred to a car.
Before they blindfolded me, I—they took me out of the house, and before they blindfolded me, I realized I saw them—they had like the whole neighborhood at gunpoint so that nobody would interfere. It was a massive squad, several cars and, you know, tens of people, tens of heavily armed policemen. And then they blindfolded me and transferred me—later on, I figured out that that’s the Cairo security headquarters forces, but I didn’t know at the time where I was. And they played tricks with me, like when they moved me from room to room, they would walk me outside so that it’d feel like I’m moving from a building to a building, and, you know, stuff like that. I spent the whole night there, thrown on a floor with my hands tied to my back, my eyes blindfolded with a very dirty rag that—I mean, I actually had an infection in the eye because of it. I was bleeding. I was beaten with the back of some weapon, I’m not sure which. But my head was bleeding. And it was quite cold. And they left me there for 12 hours in that condition. And then, they kept moving me several times at night.
And then, in the next morning, I found—they took me to meet the prosecutors. Now, the prosecutors are supposed to be part of the judiciary, and you’re—police are supposed to move you to them. They’re supposed to be independent, and it’s very important to set boundaries between them and the police. But what’s been going on for a while is that the prosecutors move the prisons, move the police stations, even judges. You know, there are hearings, there are court hearings, that happen inside prisons. Actually, most court hearings now are happening inside branches of the police academy. So the whole justice system now is explicitly, you know, not even in a secret way, but explicitly and overtly controlled by the police.
So, anyway, I faced the prosecutor and asked for my lawyers. They spent a couple of hours trying to convince me to cooperate without my lawyers, and then they gave in, and my lawyers were brought in. And I was questioned. Turns out I’m not just accused of protesting without permit, but also of armed robbery. And I was transferred to prison. Then, immediately, the treatment, in terms at least of bodily safety and so on, was improved, you know, so I was placed in a relatively clean and, by Egyptian standards, spacious cells, which means quite small, but at least I had it for my own. And I was allowed visits, and I was allowed access to my lawyers and so on, so the very basic rights were allowed immediately after.
For the first month, we were placed in—we were placed in solitary. We were basically placed in solitary, but for the first month we were not allowed out of our cells except for one hour per day. We were not—we were not placed close to each other, so, you know, we couldn’t talk and exchange stuff across cells and so on.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Explain what solitary is like. How do you occupy your time?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: You go crazy. You sleep a lot. So, you know, it certainly feels like clinical depression, which it might also be, clinical depression. But [inaudible] the time, so reading, writing.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: The Australian Al Jazeera correspondent Peter Greste was also imprisoned in the same wing as you for a month before he was transferred to another wing of the prison complex. What did you discuss, the two of you?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: Well, there was a lot of explaining. The guy, Peter, is obviously—I mean, he’s quite experienced writer. He worked in many crazy situations, but not this particular kind of crazy. And he had only spent, I think, two weeks in Cairo before he got arrested. So, we spent a lot of time just trying to give him enough context to understand what’s going on, also the legal proceedings that he is involved in and so on. But we also talked about literature, and we talked about Africa. I lived in South Africa. He lived in Kenya. And so, like just, I mean, either we discussed the politics of different sub-Saharan African countries or just, you know, imagined being in the savanna somewhere outside of this horrific context and this horrific place.
AMY GOODMAN: That’s Egyptian activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah speaking in his first extended interview since his release from prison after nearly four months behind bars. He’s interviewed in Cairo, Egypt, by Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous. When we come back, Alaa talks about the likelihood of being convicted again and sent back to prison. Back in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we continue our exclusive interview with prominent Egyptian political activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah. He was released last week after 115 days in jail. On Sunday, he sat down for his first interview since his release, speaking with Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous in Cairo.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: What is the likelihood of you being convicted and sent back to prison?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: It’s quite likely. First of all, this is—they’ve created these special terrorism courts. Now, they pretend they’re not special courts. They pretend they are regular courts, that it’s just that they’ve—that they’ve formed separate circuits that are, you know, completely free and dedicated for their imminent terrorism and protest law charges so that they could speed the legal process. Criminal procedures in Egypt—well, all legal procedures in Egypt are quite very slow. They tend to take months and months, if not years sometimes.
It’s a big case, even though it’s completely ridiculous, in terms of—you know, it serves—it has no purpose except, you know, serving the regime. There’s no sense of justice in it. I already have a suspended sentence, based on a very colorful case that was started by the military prior to Morsi’s election and then was dropped. The prosecutor dropped the charge for lack of evidence. And then, when we started complaining about human rights violations committed by the Muslim Brotherhood government, they would revive the case again. But the point is, I have a one-year suspended sentence, which means that if I’m—if I’m accused of even the smallest misdemeanor, I’m going to spend that year plus whatever else I’m getting. So, it’s highly likely that I’m going back to prison, or at least that’s their plan.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: How does that affect you? How does that affect your life, your family, knowing that you will probably be sent back to prison?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: It, of course—I mean, it’s quite horrific, obviously. Yeah, I mean, we have plans to fight this, both in court and out of court, obviously. I mean, these are not real courtrooms, this is not true justice, so you have to exert political pressures via protesting, via exposing the irregularities in the process and so on. So we are busy doing that. And also we’re busy planning a solid defense strategy. But yeah, but that’s going to be my life for a while, that I’m—because even if we get rid of that case, because of that suspended sentence, it remains hanging over my head for three years, at least. And also, it’s clear—I mean, I’ve been arrested before, but it’s—it was always clear in the previous times that they never planned to sentence me. It was like they used the pretrial detention as a form of punishment, as a form of executive detention. And so we always knew that, you know, it was just about stifling that voice for a while or about, you know, exerting punishment that would only last for a few months. But this time it’s clear.
And it’s not just about me. I mean, there’s been activists in Alexandria who have been sentenced for five years, I think—no, two years. Two years. And the verdict was confirmed in the appeals process. There’s been several student groups that have been sentenced, anything from one year to five. These have been common. There’s also a couple of cases where students have been sentenced with crazy, like 14 years and 17 years and 11 years and so on. So, they are on a sentencing frenzy. I mean, this is not just about me. And it’s almost as if it’s a war on a whole generation.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Let me just switch gears and ask you about some of the letters that you wrote from prison. In December, you wrote a letter to your two younger sisters, Mona and Sanaa, which was delivered a month later. And in it, you write, "What is adding to the oppression that I feel is that I find that this imprisonment is serving no purpose. It is not resistance, and there is no revolution." Explain what you meant.
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: Well, that was in contrast to the previous times in which I was arrested, in which I was arrested at a—either at a moment of, like in 2006, it was a moment of peak mobilization for the pro-democracy movement back then, or in 2011, it was immediately before a very strong wave in between two massacres. So it was clear, and in both cases there was a—there was a sense of urgency in the facts of my arrest. Like in 2011, the plan wasn’t to arrest me; the plan was to prosecute me, and they thought that this would make me—well, the military prosecutors—this was not civilian—they thought that this would, you know, shake me. So, back then, I kind of planned my own arrest, in a way. You know, I felt in control, and it was clearly part of a struggle. And there was a strong reaction on the outside that was, you know, supportive, and I felt that I’m being supportive of this strong reaction, you know, like I had a purpose there.
This time, it was very different. This time, it’s a moment of defeat, to be honest. Everything that’s been happening since—you know, at least since the end of July 2013, if not month before that, has been, you know, part of a massive counter-revolutionary wave that has compromised a lot of individuals and parties and political groups, deeply compromised them. But also, part of it was that that kind of crackdown, with the massive arrests and so on, it could have been broken if there was a strong enough reaction back then. This was the first case where they used the protest law. They’ve only managed to sentence people via the protest law. You know, basically, if you participate in a protest and there is a single individual in that protest, even if not known to you, even if that’s not part of the purpose of the protest, who happens to carry a knife, for instance, then you have committed a crime. So, it’s—so if there’s a protest, they can arrest you and sentence you, you know, not just—I mean, they’ve always been able to just arrest you on completely arbitrary, but it’s now possible to sentence you very easily, and judges could claim that this is, you know, the letter of the law, not—they’re not being—they’re not being ordered by the executive order or anything like that now. That’s not true, but still. So, the reaction back then wasn’t—you know, it could have been broken then. There was a much bigger window for action then, and it didn’t happen. So that’s what I was expressing.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Did you take part in the June 30th demonstrations?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: Very reluctantly so. I—there was this—now, I consider it quite serious. There was this attempt to retain our margin, so we actually did a—all the people who were complaining about collusion with the military and with the police and so on were accused of being—well, accused by—you know, by our colleagues of being infantile, the infantile left. I think that’s a Lenin expression; doesn’t matter. But anyway, so, you know, we were supposed to be too stupid to realize the complex politics of it all and so on. So we staged a couple of protests that were under the—under the label and banner of the infantile left, where the point of them was to chant against the military and the police and the Muslim Brotherhood, you know, not—and to be confrontational and so on. But it was such a crazy time. The state was basically mobilizing people to go out. And so, any protest that you did was joined by tens of thousands who were out there because the state—practically, because the state told them to be out there. And so, even our protests were just joined by throngs of people who were saying yes to the military, yes to the police. And there was—you had no space, like your voice couldn’t be heard. So I participated in that.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Do you feel it was a mistake, given what is happening now?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: I don’t feel it was mistake, because it was already—it was already set in stone. I mean, this path was—I think we started warning of an imminent coup in December, because the way the Muslim—yes, I think it was in December, or at least January, and when the Muslim Brotherhood started not just depending on the police force for violence, but on their own cadres, and then when they completely adopted a sectarian discourse, inciting against Christians, and then allowing their allies—or allying, aligning themselves with Salafis and jihadis, it just became clear that they’re walking a path that’s going to just lead to the military taking over. And a few of us spent months trying to stop that, either by warning them or by warning those who were supportive of military intervention or by trying desperately to create a more grassroots movement, so that the complications that the Muslim Brotherhood regime was creating would be resolved via, you know, a more genuine, popular approach.
But the Muslim Brotherhood government was—I mean, they refused to give any concessions in anything, which made politics basically impossible. Like you couldn’t win even very localized—you couldn’t even reach a compromise in very localized struggles around, you know, issues of service delivery in specific small towns. They just balked, which made—which made the coup inevitable. By April, the coup was showing its face, right? So, yeah, I was already defeated by April. So, it didn’t really—there was hardly anything we could do. I mean, we kept trying, but there was hardly anything we could do. And also, the Muslim Brotherhood kept—I mean, they could not see the real threat. They kept treating us as the threat—which is not completely illogical, because we were a threat to their project. But the more eminent danger was the military, and they could not see it at all. So during these months in which the coup was being planned, Morsi’s prosecutor, the one he broke all constitutional rules in order to install, was busy creating cases for me and Ahmed Douma, as well. The only cases that he filed were against Bassem Youssef, me, Ahmed Douma, you know, a couple of people like that.
AMY GOODMAN: Egyptian political activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah, speaking in his first interview since he was released last week after 115 days in jail. He is being interviewed by Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous in Cairo, Egypt. When we come back, Alaa talks about his family’s history of activism and dissent, including his father and his sister, how university students who have joined political protests have come under increasing attack, and about the future of Egypt. All in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We continue our exclusive interview with Egyptian political activist Alaa Abd El-Fattah. Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous spoke to him in Cairo, Egypt, this weekend in his first interview after being released from prison.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: There is a rich tradition of activism and dissent in your family. Both your sisters are very politically active. Your cousin is very politically active, and so are your parents. Your father was imprisoned several times, one of which your younger sister Mona was born during. This pattern was repeated when Khaled, your son, was born when you were imprisoned in 2011. I want to quote to you something that your father said in early January at a press conference talking about the crackdown on protesters. He said, "I’m sorry, my son. I’m sorry to your generation. We had dreams and ambitions to bequeath to you a democratic society that preserves human dignity. But you only inherited the prison cells that once confined me." Any comment on your father’s words?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: Well, I did respond to them in this epic article I smuggled out of prison about what my inheritance is and which—you know, both my inheritance directly from my parents and also the collective inheritance we all inherited from the previous generations, with its murky—you know, and this whole military versus the Brotherhood thing is born out of the intra-World War era, and we have to pay its price now, and it’s just completely crazy. It’s like most of this country has been born after the end of the Cold War, and none of this makes any sense to any of us. But you have these people talking about Nasserism and neo-Nasserism, and you have these people talking about reversing the mistake of dissolving the Ottoman Empire.
But, yeah, I also worry that—like, what is Khaled, my son, going to face? Because it’s not just that we—we hand over the prison cell; it’s also the things that are actually getting worse. The state institutions have lost any semblance of doing their advertised function. Like, if you spend any time in prisons in Egypt, it makes you wonder, I mean: What is the function of the criminal justice system? And it has absolutely nothing to do with security or confronting crime and so on. Most people in prison are there for very petty crimes. A very, very massive number is there for debt. There’s hardly anyone in prison that’s a danger to society in that sense.
But you could extend that to, like, the public hospitals are—most of them are not functioning at all. Like the smaller ones are really not functioning at all. They’re just empty shells. The ones that do function, it’s quite random what you’re going to get there. You know, the doctors are trying hard, but there’s absolutely no resources, and it’s so corrupt. Basically, there’s a very high possibility that, you know, the treatment you get there is—that you’d be better off not getting it.
Schools, universities—and now, this year, universities have just become not places of learning, but places of conflict and places where—and it’s the whole discourse from the state, and even from the university staff and so on, is about how youth are a problem that we need to control. So, now Al-Azhar University, Al-Azhar has a higher percentage of Islamic students. There are more Azhar students—you know, more students from Azhar in prison than from any other university. More students from Azhar have been killed in the dispersal of the Rabaa sit-in than from any other university. So they’re just treating Al-Azhar as—even the staff that works there, they’re just treating the Azhar students as a security threat. And so, now it has massive walls that look like the apartheid wall in Palestine. They have armed anti-riot police present in—you know, around the university, ready to intervene at any moment in time, if—and students have been killed inside their dorms.
I think it was going in decline for a long time, but it has become a completely dysfunctional state with coercion and oppression as its one and only tool, not just its main tool. Even the Mubarak regime was a much more complicated organism. And it’s not just terrorism that people—that they’re trying to treat with only, you know—with security measures only. It’s everything. It’s like housing they’re trying to—you know, people are building—[in Arabic], how do you say that?
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: Informal?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: Yeah, so like, you know, people are building informal settlements, because the housing prices are crazy now. There are many well-documented reasons for why we have a housing crisis and how—and there are many proposed solutions and so on, but they’ve been doing nothing about it for years and years and years, and people have been basically just inventing their own solutions. But people have been inventing their own solutions. This usually entails, you know—informal settlements could be dangerously built, or they—it could be that they’re built on agricultural land, which means, you know, that we have less space to grow food and so on.
So they decided to solve this via security measures. They just go in, storm the place, demolish it and arrest people. And so everything—I could cite probably six examples of economic or social problems that are being solved just via security, and that’s it. So if this is what Khaled is inheriting, then—and I think that’s what motivates me, that this is a completely untenable and unlivable situation, and it’s why it’s worth fighting against. But we had a couple of years in which we felt that it was possible to make major victories, that a dignified life is possible, a different world is possible. And it looks very bleak right now.
Right now I have to tell people that all state institutions are completely corrupt and need to be dismantled. And this scares them, because—so, you know, what do you do after? And obviously there are also other threats that they’re scared about, that they think, reasonably so, that the vacuum created by even diminishing the power of things like the military is quite dangerous. Armed insurrections by Salafi and jihadi are happening around our borders. People see Sinai as a threat. Obviously, Sinai is a state-created threat. It’s been—you know, there is a war there now, where the state is—where the military is using tactics that we’ve only seen from—well, I was going to say only from Israelis, but from the Israelis and the Americans and the British and so on, but, you know, from an occupying alien force, where they—I mean, it’s almost as if they’re copying from the Israelis. They actually uproot olive trees, demolish houses—you know, when an attack against the military happens, they go and demolish the houses of the families that are related to the people they accuse of the attack. They’re fighting this war with Apaches, you know, not with [inaudible]. And things have been that in Sinai for years and years and years and years and years.
And so, obviously now, where the state only aligns via Hellfire missiles, it becomes a space where human trafficking and drug trafficking and arms trafficking and also terrorism and jihadis and so on flourish. But then you use that fact to make people live in fear, fear of Sinai, which is part of the country, which is a part of the country that we went to war for and, you know, people died for. And now it’s being treated as an alien threat. And now it’s being—it has become—I mean, they have mismanaged it until—I’m not—I mean, there is a real threat. Yes, there is a real threat. They created it. But now we’re stuck with it. And so, people are scared of change.
And I somehow have to find a way to explain to people why we need to dismantle the state and build a different one and appease their fears and actually find a way of confronting all the chaos that they are unleashing right now and all the chaos that they will continue to unleash and all the chaos that will be unleashed when they collapse. And they are going to collapse. That current military regime is—I mean, it could last for years and years. But this current state of emergency is not temporary. I mean, that’s—violence is the only thing they have. They’re absolutely incapable of even producing discourse that young people, even young people who are not revolutionary, you know, or radical in any way, just even people who would love to believe them, and they keep alienating them. They keep alienating them. It was very clear in the referendum when basically most—almost all young voters did not show up. The discourse they use is so poor, you know, that it’s just—and you’re talking about most of the country if you’re saying young people. But even—even the people who believed them, the people who rallied to Sisi and, you know, created the Sisi cult and so on, they were being promised security, stability and food and work and so on. And they have absolute—and they have an energy crisis, which they’re going to solve with coal, which is going to create a massive environmental and health crisis. The healthcare is in collapse. Education is in collapse. Staples are completely dependent on—we’re completely dependent on imports for food staples, which means that we’re very dependent on hard currency. And, you know, their plan is to just borrow a lot of money from Saudia and Emirate, and that’s not going to last.
And when they collapse, it’s going to be scary. It’s not going to be—you know, when Mubarak collapsed, it was beautiful. And there were months in which the regime was so—I mean, they never lost complete control, but there was—but the revolution was so strong, and the regime was so weakened, that at least in public space and in the street and so on people were liberated and could imagine a completely different world. The moment even when they collapse, unless we do something about it, you know, the sense that is going to prevail is not a sense of liberation but a sense of fear. And that’s going to get the worst reactions out of people. We’ve seen that when Morsi’s rule collapsed. Everybody was scared of everybody. Everybody was being paranoid. And so, for a couple of months during July and—most July—July and August, there was civilian-on-civilian violence. I think something around 200 people were killed in civilian-on-civilian violence that had absolutely no logic and was so chaotic and so—so scary. Even though the police and the military were all over the place, police completely collapsed in January 2011, and we spent months with no authority on the ground. But they were safe months. You know, people were not killing each other. There wasn’t a wave—there wasn’t a crime wave. Prisons were opened. All the detainees were out in the street, and nothing happened, nor not much happened; while you had these months of absolute military control, but people were scared and paranoid, and so we had chaos. And I think we’re going to get more of that, unless we do something about it.
SHARIF ABDEL KOUDDOUS: You’ve said the word "defeat" a couple of times. Do you think the revolution is over?
ALAA ABD EL-FATTAH: No. I mean, I don’t know if the revolution is over or not. That’s a—you know, the revolution is a historical process that you—you can really only talk—I mean, when we talk about the revolution while living it, we are talking about a dream, you know, a wish, something that we’re trying to fulfill, something that we’re trying to create. But you can only talk about it as being over or not and so on in the distance, you know, while you’re looking back. And so, when I say "defeat," I mean, you know, in a sense of in a battle.
But we’ll continue to exist, and since we’ll continue to exist, there will continue to be other struggles and so on. It’s not like you have a choice. I mean, an individual might have a choice, if they have a way out. But most people don’t have a choice. You know, we cannot all emigrate, and it’s not like migrant labor gets a good deal anywhere in the world. So, I mean, if what you’re trying to do is to achieve a life of dignity and safety and prosperity for yourself and for your loved ones, then you have no choice. But even if you’re just trying to live, the current situation is so bad that, you know, you’ll end up struggling. Like these waves of strikes that are just happening right now, they’re mostly by people who probably were very supportive of the overthrow of Morsi, but also of Sisi. You know, they’ve joined in these—I’m guessing, obviously. I’m saying it just fits the pattern. But then they have to go on strike because their wages are not good enough. And, you know, the unemployed—so, you have constant flow of unemployed youth. What are they going to do? I mean, if the revolution is defeated, they’re not going to cease to exist, so they will continue to resist. They might resist by joining the informal economy, which means that they’ll have to confront the state constantly, you know, and violently to fight for a piece of the street in which they could sell something or, you know, set up something. They might resist through politics, you know, and protest politics, essentially, because party politics is not going to get them anywhere. But they’re not just going to disappear.
But for it to be a revolution, you have to have a narrative that brings all the different forms of resistance together, and you have to have hope. You know, you have to be—it has to be that people are mobilizing, not out of desperation, but out of a clear sense that something other than this life of despair is possible. And that’s, right now, a tough one, so that’s why right now I talk about defeat. I talk about defeat because I cannot even express hope anymore, but hopefully that’s temporary.
AMY GOODMAN: That’s one of Egypt’s most prominent political activists, Alaa Abd El-Fattah, speaking with Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous in his first extended interview since his release from prison after nearly four months behind bars in Egypt. Special thanks to Omar Robert Hamilton and Sherine Tadros.
To see our interview with Sharif last week about the 529 members of the Muslim Brotherhood who were sentenced to death, visit our website, democracynow.org, as well as all our coverage of Egypt.

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I'm afraid I made a mess of the past post by using all the "help" about sizing available by Wordpress.  I admit defeat.  I am posting this as it is this time.  At least it should be readable: I'm afraid I made a mess of the past post by using all the "help" about sizing available by Wordpress.  I admit defeat.  I am posting this as it is this time.  At least it should be readable:
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<h1>Gregor's sister rushed to his mother and put her hand on her forehead. Her words seemed to give Gregor's father some more definite ideas. He sat upright, played with his uniform cap between the plates left by the three gentlemen after their meal, and occasionally looked down at Gregor as he lay there immobile.</h1> <h1>Gregor's sister rushed to his mother and put her hand on her forehead. Her words seemed to give Gregor's father some more definite ideas. He sat upright, played with his uniform cap between the plates left by the three gentlemen after their meal, and occasionally looked down at Gregor as he lay there immobile.</h1>
<h1>"We have to try and get rid of it", said Gregor's sister, now speaking only to her father, as her mother was too occupied with coughing to listen, "it'll be the death of both of you, I can see it coming. We can't all work as hard as we have to and then come home to be tortured like this, we can't endure it. I can't endure it any more." And she broke out so heavily in tears that they flowed down the face of her mother, and she wiped them away with mechanical hand movements.</h1> <h1>"We have to try and get rid of it", said Gregor's sister, now speaking only to her father, as her mother was too occupied with coughing to listen, "it'll be the death of both of you, I can see it coming. We can't all work as hard as we have to and then come home to be tortured like this, we can't endure it. I can't endure it any more." And she broke out so heavily in tears that they flowed down the face of her mother, and she wiped them away with mechanical hand movements.</h1>
"My child", said her father with sympathy and obvious understanding, "what are we to do?"  <h1>"My child", said her father with sympathy and obvious understanding, "what are we to do?"</h1>
His sister just shrugged her shoulders as a sign of the helplessness and tears that had taken hold of her, displacing her earlier certainty.  <h1>His sister just shrugged her shoulders as a sign of the helplessness and tears that had taken hold of her, displacing her earlier certainty.</h1>
"If he could just understand us", said his father almost as a question; his sister shook her hand vigorously through her tears as a sign that of that there was no question.  <h1>"If he could just understand us", said his father almost as a question; his sister shook her hand vigorously through her tears as a sign that of that there was no question.</h1>
"If he could just understand us", repeated Gregor's father, closing his eyes in acceptance of his sister's certainty that that was quite impossible, "then perhaps we could come to some kind of arrangement with him. But as it is ..."  <h1>"If he could just understand us", repeated Gregor's father, closing his eyes in acceptance of his sister's certainty that that was quite impossible, "then perhaps we could come to some kind of arrangement with him. But as it is ..."</h1>
"It's got to go", shouted his sister, "that's the only way, Father. You've got to get rid of the idea that that's Gregor. We've only harmed ourselves by believing it for so long. How can that be Gregor? If it were Gregor he would have seen long ago that it's not possible for human beings to live with an animal like that and he would have gone of his own free will. We wouldn't have a brother any more, then, but we could carry on with our lives and remember him with respect. As it is this animal is persecuting us, it's driven out our tenants, it obviously wants to take over the whole flat and force us to sleep on the streets. Father, look, just look", she suddenly screamed, "he's starting again!" In her alarm, which was totally beyond Gregor's comprehension, his sister even abandoned his mother as she pushed herself vigorously out of her chair as if more willing to sacrifice her own mother than stay anywhere near Gregor. She rushed over to behind her father, who had become excited merely because she was and stood up half raising his hands in front of Gregor's sister as if to protect her.  <h1>"It's got to go", shouted his sister, "that's the only way, Father. You've got to get rid of the idea that that's Gregor. We've only harmed ourselves by believing it for so long. How can that be Gregor? If it were Gregor he would have seen long ago that it's not possible for human beings to live with an animal like that and he would have gone of his own free will. We wouldn't have a brother any more, then, but we could carry on with our lives and remember him with respect. As it is this animal is persecuting us, it's driven out our tenants, it obviously wants to take over the whole flat and force us to sleep on the streets. Father, look, just look", she suddenly screamed, "he's starting again!" In her alarm, which was totally beyond Gregor's comprehension, his sister even abandoned his mother as she pushed herself vigorously out of her chair as if more willing to sacrifice her own mother than stay anywhere near Gregor. She rushed over to behind her father, who had become excited merely because she was and stood up half raising his hands in front of Gregor's sister as if to protect her.</h1>
But Gregor had had no intention of frightening anyone, least of all his sister. All he had done was begin to turn round so that he could go back into his room, although that was in itself quite startling as his pain-wracked condition meant that turning round required a great deal of effort and he was using his head to help himself do it, repeatedly raising it and striking it against the floor. He stopped and looked round. They seemed to have realised his good intention and had only been alarmed briefly. Now they all looked at him in unhappy silence. His mother lay in her chair with her legs stretched out and pressed against each other, her eyes nearly closed with exhaustion; his sister sat next to his father with her arms around his neck.  <h1>But Gregor had had no intention of frightening anyone, least of all his sister. All he had done was begin to turn round so that he could go back into his room, although that was in itself quite startling as his pain-wracked condition meant that turning round required a great deal of effort and he was using his head to help himself do it, repeatedly raising it and striking it against the floor. He stopped and looked round. They seemed to have realised his good intention and had only been alarmed briefly. Now they all looked at him in unhappy silence. His mother lay in her chair with her legs stretched out and pressed against each other, her eyes nearly closed with exhaustion; his sister sat next to his father with her arms around his neck.</h1>
"Maybe now they'll let me turn round", thought Gregor and went back to work. He could not help panting loudly with the effort and had sometimes to stop and take a rest. No-one was making him rush any more, everything was left up to him. As soon as he had finally finished turning round he began to move straight ahead. He was amazed at the great distance that separated him from his room, and could not understand how he had covered that distance in his weak state a little while before and almost without noticing it. He concentrated on crawling as fast as he could and hardly noticed that there was not a word, not any cry, from his family to distract him. He did not turn his head until he had reached the doorway. He did not turn it all the way round as he felt his neck becoming stiff, but it was nonetheless enough to see that nothing behind him had changed, only his sister had stood up. With his last glance he saw that his mother had now fallen completely asleep.  <h1>"Maybe now they'll let me turn round", thought Gregor and went back to work. He could not help panting loudly with the effort and had sometimes to stop and take a rest. No-one was making him rush any more, everything was left up to him. As soon as he had finally finished turning round he began to move straight ahead. He was amazed at the great distance that separated him from his room, and could not understand how he had covered that distance in his weak state a little while before and almost without noticing it. He concentrated on crawling as fast as he could and hardly noticed that there was not a word, not any cry, from his family to distract him. He did not turn his head until he had reached the doorway. He did not turn it all the way round as he felt his neck becoming stiff, but it was nonetheless enough to see that nothing behind him had changed, only his sister had stood up. With his last glance he saw that his mother had now fallen completely asleep.</h1>
He was hardly inside his room before the door was hurriedly shut, bolted and locked. The sudden noise behind Gregor so startled him that his little legs collapsed under him. It was his sister who had been in so much of a rush. She had been standing there waiting and sprung forward lightly, Gregor had not heard her coming at all, and as she turned the key in the lock she said loudly to her parents "At last!".  <h1>He was hardly inside his room before the door was hurriedly shut, bolted and locked. The sudden noise behind Gregor so startled him that his little legs collapsed under him. It was his sister who had been in so much of a rush. She had been standing there waiting and sprung forward lightly, Gregor had not heard her coming at all, and as she turned the key in the lock she said loudly to her parents "At last!".</h1>
"What now, then?", Gregor asked himself as he looked round in the darkness. He soon made the discovery that he could no longer move at all. This was no surprise to him, it seemed rather that being able to actually move around on those spindly little legs until then was unnatural. He also felt relatively comfortable. It is true that his entire body was aching, but the pain seemed to be slowly getting weaker and weaker and would finally disappear altogether. He could already hardly feel the decayed apple in his back or the inflamed area around it, which was entirely covered in white dust. He thought back of his family with emotion and love. If it was possible, he felt that he must go away even more strongly than his sister. He remained in this state of empty and peaceful rumination until he heard the clock tower strike three in the morning. He watched as it slowly began to get light everywhere outside the window too. Then, without his willing it, his head sank down completely, and his last breath flowed weakly from his nostrils.  <h1>"What now, then?", Gregor asked himself as he looked round in the darkness. He soon made the discovery that he could no longer move at all. This was no surprise to him, it seemed rather that being able to actually move around on those spindly little legs until then was unnatural. He also felt relatively comfortable. It is true that his entire body was aching, but the pain seemed to be slowly getting weaker and weaker and would finally disappear altogether. He could already hardly feel the decayed apple in his back or the inflamed area around it, which was entirely covered in white dust. He thought back of his family with emotion and love. If it was possible, he felt that he must go away even more strongly than his sister. He remained in this state of empty and peaceful rumination until he heard the clock tower strike three in the morning. He watched as it slowly began to get light everywhere outside the window too. Then, without his willing it, his head sank down completely, and his last breath flowed weakly from his nostrils.</h1>
When the cleaner came in early in the morning - they'd often asked her not to keep slamming the doors but with her strength and in her hurry she still did, so that everyone in the flat knew when she'd arrived and from then on it was impossible to sleep in peace - she made her usual brief look in on Gregor and at first found nothing special. She thought he was laying there so still on purpose, playing the martyr; she attributed all possible understanding to him. She happened to be holding the long broom in her hand, so she tried to tickle Gregor with it from the doorway. When she had no success with that she tried to make a nuisance of herself and poked at him a little, and only when she found she could shove him across the floor with no resistance at all did she start to pay attention. She soon realised what had really happened, opened her eyes wide, whistled to herself, but did not waste time to yank open the bedroom doors and shout loudly into the darkness of the bedrooms: "Come and 'ave a look at this, it's dead, just lying there, stone dead!"  <h1>When the cleaner came in early in the morning - they'd often asked her not to keep slamming the doors but with her strength and in her hurry she still did, so that everyone in the flat knew when she'd arrived and from then on it was impossible to sleep in peace - she made her usual brief look in on Gregor and at first found nothing special. She thought he was laying there so still on purpose, playing the martyr; she attributed all possible understanding to him. She happened to be holding the long broom in her hand, so she tried to tickle Gregor with it from the doorway. When she had no success with that she tried to make a nuisance of herself and poked at him a little, and only when she found she could shove him across the floor with no resistance at all did she start to pay attention. She soon realised what had really happened, opened her eyes wide, whistled to herself, but did not waste time to yank open the bedroom doors and shout loudly into the darkness of the bedrooms: "Come and 'ave a look at this, it's dead, just lying there, stone dead!"</h1>
Mr. and Mrs. Samsa sat upright there in their marriage bed and had to make an effort to get over the shock caused by the cleaner before they could grasp what she was saying. But then, each from his own side, they hurried out of bed. Mr. Samsa threw the blanket over his shoulders, Mrs. Samsa just came out in her nightdress; and that is how they went into Gregor's room. On the way they opened the door to the living room where Grete had been sleeping since the three gentlemen had moved in; she was fully dressed as if she had never been asleep, and the paleness of her face seemed to confirm this. "Dead?", asked Mrs. Samsa, looking at the charwoman enquiringly, even though she could have checked for herself and could have known it even without checking. "That's what I said", replied the cleaner, and to prove it she gave Gregor's body another shove with the broom, sending it sideways across the floor. Mrs. Samsa made a movement as if she wanted to hold back the broom, but did not complete it. "Now then", said Mr. Samsa, "let's give thanks to God for that". He crossed himself, and the three women followed his example. Grete, who had not taken her eyes from the corpse, said: "Just look how thin he was. He didn't eat anything for so long. The food came out again just the same as when it went in". Gregor's body was indeed completely dried up and flat, they had not seen it until then, but now he was not lifted up on his little legs, nor did he do anything to make them look away.  <h1>Mr. and Mrs. Samsa sat upright there in their marriage bed and had to make an effort to get over the shock caused by the cleaner before they could grasp what she was saying. But then, each from his own side, they hurried out of bed. Mr. Samsa threw the blanket over his shoulders, Mrs. Samsa just came out in her nightdress; and that is how they went into Gregor's room. On the way they opened the door to the living room where Grete had been sleeping since the three gentlemen had moved in; she was fully dressed as if she had never been asleep, and the paleness of her face seemed to confirm this. "Dead?", asked Mrs. Samsa, looking at the charwoman enquiringly, even though she could have checked for herself and could have known it even without checking. "That's what I said", replied the cleaner, and to prove it she gave Gregor's body another shove with the broom, sending it sideways across the floor. Mrs. Samsa made a movement as if she wanted to hold back the broom, but did not complete it. "Now then", said Mr. Samsa, "let's give thanks to God for that". He crossed himself, and the three women followed his example. Grete, who had not taken her eyes from the corpse, said: "Just look how thin he was. He didn't eat anything for so long. The food came out again just the same as when it went in". Gregor's body was indeed completely dried up and flat, they had not seen it until then, but now he was not lifted up on his little legs, nor did he do anything to make them look away.</h1>
"Grete, come with us in here for a little while", said Mrs. Samsa with a pained smile, and Grete followed her parents into the bedroom but not without looking back at the body. The cleaner shut the door and opened the window wide. Although it was still early in the morning the fresh air had something of warmth mixed in with it. It was already the end of March, after all.  <h1>"Grete, come with us in here for a little while", said Mrs. Samsa with a pained smile, and Grete followed her parents into the bedroom but not without looking back at the body. The cleaner shut the door and opened the window wide. Although it was still early in the morning the fresh air had something of warmth mixed in with it. It was already the end of March, after all.</h1>
The three gentlemen stepped out of their room and looked round in amazement for their breakfasts; they had been forgotten about. "Where is our breakfast?", the middle gentleman asked the cleaner irritably. She just put her finger on her lips and made a quick and silent sign to the men that they might like to come into Gregor's room. They did so, and stood around Gregor's corpse with their hands in the pockets of their well-worn coats. It was now quite light in the room.  <h1>The three gentlemen stepped out of their room and looked round in amazement for their breakfasts; they had been forgotten about. "Where is our breakfast?", the middle gentleman asked the cleaner irritably. She just put her finger on her lips and made a quick and silent sign to the men that they might like to come into Gregor's room. They did so, and stood around Gregor's corpse with their hands in the pockets of their well-worn coats. It was now quite light in the room.</h1>
Then the door of the bedroom opened and Mr. Samsa appeared in his uniform with his wife on one arm and his daughter on the other. All of them had been crying a little; Grete now and then pressed her face against her father's arm.  <h1>Then the door of the bedroom opened and Mr. Samsa appeared in his uniform with his wife on one arm and his daughter on the other. All of them had been crying a little; Grete now and then pressed her face against her father's arm.</h1>
"Leave my home. Now!", said Mr. Samsa, indicating the door and without letting the women from him. "What do you mean?", asked the middle of the three gentlemen somewhat disconcerted, and he smiled sweetly. The other two held their hands behind their backs and continually rubbed them together in gleeful anticipation of a loud quarrel which could only end in their favour. "I mean just what I said", answered Mr. Samsa, and, with his two companions, went in a straight line towards the man. At first, he stood there still, looking at the ground as if the contents of his head were rearranging themselves into new positions. "Alright, we'll go then", he said, and looked up at Mr. Samsa as if he had been suddenly overcome with humility and wanted permission again from Mr. Samsa for his decision. Mr. Samsa merely opened his eyes wide and briefly nodded to him several times. At that, and without delay, the man actually did take long strides into the front hallway; his two friends had stopped rubbing their hands some time before and had been listening to what was being said. Now they jumped off after their friend as if taken with a sudden fear that Mr. Samsa might go into the hallway in front of them and break the connection with their leader. Once there, all three took their hats from the stand, took their sticks from the holder, bowed without a word and left the premises. Mr. Samsa and the two women followed them out onto the landing; but they had had no reason to mistrust the men's intentions and as they leaned over the landing they saw how the three gentlemen made slow but steady progress down the many steps. As they turned the corner on each floor they disappeared and would reappear a few moments later; the further down they went, the more that the Samsa family lost interest in them; when a butcher's boy, proud of posture with his tray on his head, passed them on his way up and came nearer than they were, Mr. Samsa and the women came away from the landing and went, as if relieved, back into the flat.  <h1>"Leave my home. Now!", said Mr. Samsa, indicating the door and without letting the women from him. "What do you mean?", asked the middle of the three gentlemen somewhat disconcerted, and he smiled sweetly. The other two held their hands behind their backs and continually rubbed them together in gleeful anticipation of a loud quarrel which could only end in their favour. "I mean just what I said", answered Mr. Samsa, and, with his two companions, went in a straight line towards the man. At first, he stood there still, looking at the ground as if the contents of his head were rearranging themselves into new positions. "Alright, we'll go then", he said, and looked up at Mr. Samsa as if he had been suddenly overcome with humility and wanted permission again from Mr. Samsa for his decision. Mr. Samsa merely opened his eyes wide and briefly nodded to him several times. At that, and without delay, the man actually did take long strides into the front hallway; his two friends had stopped rubbing their hands some time before and had been listening to what was being said. Now they jumped off after their friend as if taken with a sudden fear that Mr. Samsa might go into the hallway in front of them and break the connection with their leader. Once there, all three took their hats from the stand, took their sticks from the holder, bowed without a word and left the premises. Mr. Samsa and the two women followed them out onto the landing; but they had had no reason to mistrust the men's intentions and as they leaned over the landing they saw how the three gentlemen made slow but steady progress down the many steps. As they turned the corner on each floor they disappeared and would reappear a few moments later; the further down they went, the more that the Samsa family lost interest in them; when a butcher's boy, proud of posture with his tray on his head, passed them on his way up and came nearer than they were, Mr. Samsa and the women came away from the landing and went, as if relieved, back into the flat.</h1>
They decided the best way to make use of that day was for relaxation and to go for a walk; not only had they earned a break from work but they were in serious need of it. So they sat at the table and wrote three letters of excusal, Mr. Samsa to his employers, Mrs. Samsa to her contractor and Grete to her principal. The cleaner came in while they were writing to tell them she was going, she'd finished her work for that morning. The three of them at first just nodded without looking up from what they were writing, and it was only when the cleaner still did not seem to want to leave that they looked up in irritation. "Well?", asked Mr. Samsa. The charwoman stood in the doorway with a smile on her face as if she had some tremendous good news to report, but would only do it if she was clearly asked to. The almost vertical little ostrich feather on her hat, which had been a source of irritation to Mr. Samsa all the time she had been working for them, swayed gently in all directions. "What is it you want then?", asked Mrs. Samsa, whom the cleaner had the most respect for. "Yes", she answered, and broke into a friendly laugh that made her unable to speak straight away, "well then, that thing in there, you needn't worry about how you're going to get rid of it. That's all been sorted out." Mrs. Samsa and Grete bent down over their letters as if intent on continuing with what they were writing; Mr. Samsa saw that the cleaner wanted to start describing everything in detail but, with outstretched hand, he made it quite clear that she was not to. So, as she was prevented from telling them all about it, she suddenly remembered what a hurry she was in and, clearly peeved, called out "Cheerio then, everyone", turned round sharply and left, slamming the door terribly as she went.  <h1>They decided the best way to make use of that day was for relaxation and to go for a walk; not only had they earned a break from work but they were in serious need of it. So they sat at the table and wrote three letters of excusal, Mr. Samsa to his employers, Mrs. Samsa to her contractor and Grete to her principal. The cleaner came in while they were writing to tell them she was going, she'd finished her work for that morning. The three of them at first just nodded without looking up from what they were writing, and it was only when the cleaner still did not seem to want to leave that they looked up in irritation. "Well?", asked Mr. Samsa. The charwoman stood in the doorway with a smile on her face as if she had some tremendous good news to report, but would only do it if she was clearly asked to. The almost vertical little ostrich feather on her hat, which had been a source of irritation to Mr. Samsa all the time she had been working for them, swayed gently in all directions. "What is it you want then?", asked Mrs. Samsa, whom the cleaner had the most respect for. "Yes", she answered, and broke into a friendly laugh that made her unable to speak straight away, "well then, that thing in there, you needn't worry about how you're going to get rid of it. That's all been sorted out." Mrs. Samsa and Grete bent down over their letters as if intent on continuing with what they were writing; Mr. Samsa saw that the cleaner wanted to start describing everything in detail but, with outstretched hand, he made it quite clear that she was not to. So, as she was prevented from telling them all about it, she suddenly remembered what a hurry she was in and, clearly peeved, called out "Cheerio then, everyone", turned round sharply and left, slamming the door terribly as she went.</h1>
"Tonight she gets sacked", said Mr. Samsa, but he received no reply from either his wife or his daughter as the charwoman seemed to have destroyed the peace they had only just gained. They got up and went over to the window where they remained with their arms around each other. Mr. Samsa twisted round in his chair to look at them and sat there watching for a while. Then he called out: "Come here, then. Let's forget about all that old stuff, shall we. Come and give me a bit of attention". The two women immediately did as he said, hurrying over to him where they kissed him and hugged him and then they quickly finished their letters.  <h1>"Tonight she gets sacked", said Mr. Samsa, but he received no reply from either his wife or his daughter as the charwoman seemed to have destroyed the peace they had only just gained. They got up and went over to the window where they remained with their arms around each other. Mr. Samsa twisted round in his chair to look at them and sat there watching for a while. Then he called out: "Come here, then. Let's forget about all that old stuff, shall we. Come and give me a bit of attention". The two women immediately did as he said, hurrying over to him where they kissed him and hugged him and then they quickly finished their letters.</h1>
After that, the three of them left the flat together, which was something they had not done for months, and took the tram out to the open country outside the town. They had the tram, filled with warm sunshine, all to themselves. Leant back comfortably on their seats, they discussed their prospects and found that on closer examination they were not at all bad - until then they had never asked each other about their work but all three had jobs which were very good and held particularly good promise for the future. The greatest improvement for the time being, of course, would be achieved quite easily by moving house; what they needed now was a flat that was smaller and cheaper than the current one which had been chosen by Gregor, one that was in a better location and, most of all, more practical. All the time, Grete was becoming livelier. With all the worry they had been having of late her cheeks had become pale, but, while they were talking, Mr. and Mrs. Samsa were struck, almost simultaneously, with the thought of how their daughter was blossoming into a well built and beautiful young lady. They became quieter. Just from each other's glance and almost without knowing it they agreed that it would soon be time to find a good man for her. And, as if in confirmation of their new dreams and good intentions, as soon as they reached their destination Grete was the first to get up and stretch out her young body.  <h1>After that, the three of them left the flat together, which was something they had not done for months, and took the tram out to the open country outside the town. They had the tram, filled with warm sunshine, all to themselves. Leant back comfortably on their seats, they discussed their prospects and found that on closer examination they were not at all bad - until then they had never asked each other about their work but all three had jobs which were very good and held particularly good promise for the future. The greatest improvement for the time being, of course, would be achieved quite easily by moving house; what they needed now was a flat that was smaller and cheaper than the current one which had been chosen by Gregor, one that was in a better location and, most of all, more practical. All the time, Grete was becoming livelier. With all the worry they had been having of late her cheeks had become pale, but, while they were talking, Mr. and Mrs. Samsa were struck, almost simultaneously, with the thought of how their daughter was blossoming into a well built and beautiful young lady. They became quieter. Just from each other's glance and almost without knowing it they agreed that it would soon be time to find a good man for her. And, as if in confirmation of their new dreams and good intentions, as soon as they reached their destination Grete was the first to get up and stretch out her young body.</h1>
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[NeoBohemia] Post changed: Kafka and Alienation

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poet816 made the following changes to the “Kafka and Alienation” [edit] post on 3 April, 2014 at 16:48 UTC

Revision @ 2014-04-03 16:47:19Current Post @ 2014-04-03 16:48:55

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 Kafka and Alienation

[New post] More Illustrated Dante Finally

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[New post] SORRY AND THANK YOU - Some Cartoons and Classic Art

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poet816 posted: "For your patience, if you haven't already unsubscribed.   I did not realize that, while making the changes I needed to make, every step of the way would be sent out to everyone following.   At any rate, the changes I needed to make, font size and i"


[New post] Adorno and the Aphorism

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poet816 posted: "Adorno and the Aphorism The aphorism is perhaps the most misunderstood of all philosophical forms; in fact, one might be tempted to consider it not as Philosophy, but Literature. The distinctions, as are all categories, are meaningless here and in most p"

Turkey, Sarin, Company, Russia, Hersh

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Whose Sarin Now?  Turkey and the company


          Just about everything is confirmed now except why Seymour Hersh is called "Cy".
          The plane crash in the Indian Ocean has kept a great deal of news out, but the Syrian victory is pretty much accomplished which is why Syria hasn't been covered much lately. 
          The whole "mass gassings," we learn, despite the tentative wording of the interview, was accomplished by funding from Saudi Arabia and another of those rich oil countries, recruitment and money laundering through Libya (remember that evil Gaddafi?) and the use of RAT tunnels (the Company loves terms like that, "let's run it through the rat') from Turkey to Syria.  The gas used was launched by missiles not owned by Syria and was not the type that the government possessed.  We mentioned that here at the time, but why not mention it again, just for the sheer joy of it?
          Meanwhile, Israel has managed to cause all sorts of trouble without being noticed.
          Russia did not attack Georgia, btw., Georgia attacked Russia and Russia moved in and protected the few Russian ethnics in Georgia right along the border.  We put a big ship there.  Wow. 
          Now, Russian ethnics in Ukraine in Donetsk have occupied the government and voted to secede and join Russia.  So have a couple other provinces.  They are reacting to persecution to "Ultra-Nationalist" and pro-western elements in Ukraine that have taken over the government in Kiev.  We sent a big ship there.
          Senile McCain doesn't like it, but he was asked if he wanted us to go to war with Russia.  He didn't answer, just said his hero was Teddy Roosevelt. 
          With all this unreported activity by the CIA, some people might be led to believe that it was in on the assassination of JFK.  One does not mean the other.  Al Sharpton, once an undercover agent for the FBI will tell you that.  
          Well, have fun everyone.  I've had enough of this right now.
          Here is the interview with Hersh:

MONDAY, APRIL 7, 2014

Sy Hersh Reveals Potential Turkish Role in Syria Chemical Strike That Almost Sparked U.S. Bombing

Was Turkey behind last year’s Syrian chemical weapons attack? That is the question raised in a new exposé by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Seymour Hersh on the intelligence debate over the deaths of hundreds of Syrians in Ghouta last year. The United States, and much of the international community, blamed forces loyal to the Assad government, almost leading to a U.S. attack on Syria. But Hersh reveals the U.S. intelligence community feared Turkey was supplying sarin gas to Syrian rebels in the months before the attack took place — information never made public as President Obama made the case for launching a strike. Hersh joins us to discuss his findings.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: As Syria continues to remove its chemical weapons arsenal under the monitoring of the United Nations, a new article by the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Seymour Hersh questions what happened last year in the Syrian city of Ghouta, when hundreds of Syrians died in a chemical weapons attack. The United States and much of the international community blamed forces loyal to the Assad government, and the incident almost led the U.S. to attack Syria. But according to Hersh, while President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry were making the case for U.S. strikes, analysts inside the U.S. military and intelligence community were privately questioning the administration’s central claim about who was behind the chemical weapons attack.
According to Hersh, the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency issued a highly classified five-page "talking points" briefing on June 19th which stated the Syrian rebel group al-Nusra maintained a sarin production cell. According to the DIA, it was, quote, "the most advanced sarin plot since al-Qaida’s pre-9/11 effort." The DIA document went on to state, quote, "Turkey and Saudi-based chemical facilitators were attempting to obtain sarin precursors in bulk, tens of kilograms, likely for the anticipated large scale production effort in Syria." A month before the DIA briefing was written, more than ten members of al-Nusra were arrested in southern Turkey with what local police told the press were two kilograms of sarin.
Investigative journalist Seymour Hersh now joins us from Washington, D.C. His latestpiece is headlined "The Red Line and the Rat Line." It was just published in theLondon Review of Books.
Sy Hersh, welcome back to Democracy Now! Lay out what you have found.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, you just laid out part of it. I think the most important thing about the document is that—as you know, I was on this show, and the London Review did a piece that I wrote, months ago, questioning just the whole issue of "Whose Sarin?"—was the title. It wasn’t clear. This doesn’t mean we know exactly what happened in eastern Ghouta. What we do know—I’m talking about the military, the Pentagon and the analysts—is that the sarin that was recovered wasn’t the kind of sarin that exists in the Syrian arsenal. It just raises a grave question about one of the basic elements of the president’s argument for planning to go to war. The real point of the Shedd document, and the reason I wrote so much about it, is because when I did that piece months ago, the White House said they know of no such document, and there’s no—they have no information about sarin being in the hands of al-Nusra or other radical groups or jihadist groups inside Syria.
Here’s what’s scary about it. What’s scary about it is the military community—I know that the Southern Command, etc., were very worried about this possibility. The war is going badly for some of these jihadist groups. They obviously—more than al-Nusra, other groups obviously have the capacity now to manufacture sarin, with the help of Turkey, and the fear is that as the war goes bad, some of this sarin—you can call it a strategic weapon, perhaps; when used right, it can kill an awful lot of people very quickly—is going to be shipped to their various units outside of Syria. In other words, they’re going to farm out the chemicals they have, who knows where—northern Africa, the Middle East, other places—and then you have a different situation that we are confronting in terms of the war on terror. That’s the reality.
Meanwhile, the White House’s position, again, with this article, once again, even though we—this document they claim no longer existed, we ran a big chunk of it. Clearly, I have access to it. They are still insisting, "We know of no such document." This head-in-the-sand approach really has to do with something I write about in the article. I quote people as saying, once the president makes a decision, it’s almost impossible to change—to get it changed. The president decided that the Syrians did it, and we’re justified in thinking that and continuing to think that, no other option exists. And so, he’s predicated a foreign policy which is a head-in-the-sand policy, because, meanwhile, we have a serious problem with these kind of weapons, particularly as Syria gets rid of the weapons. The only people inside Syria with those weapons are the wackos. And so, there we are.
AMY GOODMAN: What is the rat line?
SEYMOUR HERSH: The rat line is an informal designation of a—the CIA is—there’s a lot of very competent people in the CIA. I give it a hard time, but you’ve got to acknowledge a very—a lot of very bright people still work there, and they know what they’re doing. During the Iranian war, when—during when Cheney and Bush were deeply involved in trying to find out whether there was a secret underground nuclear facility inside Iran—they absolutely believed it—we would send in Joint Special Operation Command teams undercover from Pakistan, from wherever, through routes that the CIA had known for smuggling and moving cash. They would use those rat lines to go in.
And the rat line in this case is, very early in 2012, when this—I don’t know why, but maybe because of the hubris over what—the victory we thought we had in Libya ousting Gaddafi, which is a mess of its own, we set up a covert, a very secret operation inside Libya to funnel arms through Turkey into the Syrian opposition, including all sides—those who were secular, those who had legitimate grievances against the Assad government, and the other groups sponsored by the Saudis and Qataris, who are really trying to create a Wahhabi or Salafist government in Syria, take it over. And this was a very secret operation. It went for a long time. It only ended when the consulate in Benghazi was overrun. And it was done without—as I write, without telling Congress. And the reason we even know about it, there was a recent Senate Intelligence Committee report on Benghazi that was published a few months back raising questions about security, etc., the same issues Republicans constantly talk about, but there was a secret annex to the report that described this process of funneling stuff. And it was done with money, actually, from the Turks, from the Saudis and the Qataris. We sort of used their money, and we funneled—to use it to buy weapons and funnel it. The CIA was deeply involved in this.
In effect, you could almost say that, in his own way, Obama—you can call it shrewd or brilliant. He was almost channeling Saudi Arabia and Qatari and the Turks to get something done we wanted done, which was to have the opposition defeat Bashar al-Assad. And that’s what it was. It was a long-running operation. It only ended—and, by the way, when it ended with the—when we shut it down after Benghazi was overrun, we suddenly saw all kinds of crazy weapons be showing up, including MANPADS, the shoulder-held anti-aircraft missiles. We showed—they were suddenly showing up inside—inside Syria in the hands of various jihadist groups. So, clearly, the rat line we set up after we shut it down had a life of its own, which is often that happens in these kind of operations.
AMY GOODMAN: After the Syria talks concluded earlier this year, Secretary of State John Kerry renewed his backing of the departure of Bashar al-Assad and said the United States is prepared to increase support for the rebel opposition.
SECRETARY OF STATE JOHN KERRY: No one has done more to make Syria a magnet for terrorists than Bashar al-Assad. He is the single greatest magnet for terrorism that there is in the region. And he has long since, because of his choice of weapons, because of what he has done, lost any legitimacy. ... I will just say to you that lots of different avenues will be pursued, including continued support to the opposition and augmented support to the opposition.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Secretary of State John Kerry. Sy Hersh, your response?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, by this time, they knew from the Joint Chiefs of Staff—they knew that the British had come to us with sarin that had been analyzed at their laboratory and that—we share a laboratory on chemical and biological warfare issues with Britain, place called Porton Down. It’s their chemical warfare facility. And we, Americans, share that in terms of analyzing international problems when it comes to chemical and biological warfare. So it’s a lot of—we have a lot of confidence in the British competence. And so, the Brits came to us with samples of sarin, and they were very clear there was a real problem with these samples, because they did not reflect what the Brits know and we know, the Russians knew, everybody knew, is inside the Syrian arsenal. They have—professionals armies have additives to sarin that make it more persistent, easier to use. The amateur stuff, they call it kitchen sarin, sort of a cold phrase. You can make sarin very easily with a couple of inert chemicals, but the sarin you make isn’t very—isn’t as lethal as a professional military-grade sarin and doesn’t have certain additives. So, you can actually calibrate what’s in it. They came to us, very early, within six, eight days, 10 days, of the August 21, last year’s terrible incident inside—near Damascus, when hundreds were killed. And it was overwhelming evidence.
And so, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, led by its chairman, Martin Dempsey, an Army officer of many years of experience—he was commander of the Central Command, covered the Middle East—they did go to the president, and they raised questions. They let him know the problems. And they also talked about the fact that the military was, I can say, unhappy. Military people tend to be—when you give them an assignment, they’ll do it, but often they see the risk more than civilian leaders. The first—the president wanted a wave of bombing, and the military came up with a list of a number of targets—I think 21, 31, something like that, targets—runways and other stuff. And they were told by the White House—I don’t know who—that they wanted something that would create more pain for Bashar. So then, the next thing you know, they’re coming back with a massive bombing attack, two air wings of B-52 bombers dropping 2,000-pound bombs, hitting power nodes, electricity nodes, etc., the kind of attack that would cause an awful lot of damage to civilian infrastructure. And that was an awful lot for the Joint Chiefs, and they really raised that question with the president.
And as I write, I don’t think there’s any other issue that would have forced him to stop as he did. The notion of we’re going to suddenly go back and sign a chemical disarmament treaty with the Syrians, that the Russians had been talking about, that had been raised a year earlier, and we didn’t bite them. He clearly jumped on it then. And he—look, you’ve got to give the president credit. As much as he wanted to and as much as he talked about it, when faced with reality, he backed down. He didn’t say why. But, you know, we don’t expect—we have learned not to expect very much credibility on foreign policy issues. Unfortunately, the fact that we don’t get straight talk from the top means that the bureaucracy can’t do straight talk. If you’re inside the bureaucracy, you can’t really tell the White House something they don’t want to know.
AMY GOODMAN: Uh—
SEYMOUR HERSH: That’s—yes, go ahead.
AMY GOODMAN: Sy, I want to talk Turkey for a minute.
SEYMOUR HERSH: Sure.
AMY GOODMAN: In your piece, you mention the leaked video of a discussion between the Turkish prime minister, Erdogan, and senior officials of a false flag operation that would justify Turkish military intervention in Syria. This is Erdogan’s response to the leaked recording.
PRIME MINISTER RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN: [translated] Today they posted a video on YouTube. There was a meeting at the Turkish Foreign Ministry on Syria, on the tomb of Suleyman Shah. And they even leaked this on YouTube. This is villainous. This is dishonesty.
AMY GOODMAN: Turkey briefly imposed a ban on YouTube following the leaked recording. Sy Hersh, could you explain what the Erdogan administration’s support for the rebels, the Turkish support for the rebels, has consisted of and where the U.S. now stands on this?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, where we stand on it now is that there’s not much we can do about it, because—well, let me just tell you what we know. What we do know, that Turkey is—that al-Nusra groups have been inside Turkey buying equipment. There’s also reports that they’ve also received some training from the Turkish intelligence services, which is very—is headed by a man named Fidan, who is very known. There’s reports, wonderful report in The Wall Street Journal recently about Fidan’s closeness not only to Erdogan, the prime minister and the leader of Turkey, but also to the most radical units. And so is Erdogan. They’re all supporting—if they have a choice, they’re supporting the more fundamental groups inside Syria. And so, we know they supply training. We know also there’s a—there’s, I guess you could call it, another rat line. There’s a flow—if you’re going to send the chemicals that, when mixed together, meddled together, make sarin, they flow—that flow comes from inside Turkey. A sort of a paramilitary unit known as the gendarmy—Gendarmerie and theMIT [Milli Istihbarat Teskilati] both are responsible for funneling these things into radical groups. There’s actually a flow of trucks that brings the stuff in. And so, Turkish involvement is intense.
And I can tell you, and as I wrote in this article, the conclusion of many in the intelligence community—I can’t say it’s a report, because they didn’t write a report about it—the conclusion was, based on intercepts we have, particularly after the event, was that there were elements of the Turkish government that took credit for what happened in eastern Ghouta, with the point being that this sarin attack crossed Obama’s famous red line. If you know, Obama had said in the summer of 2012, there’s a red line that, if they cross in terms of using chemicals or doing too much, the opposition, he will bomb to stop Bashar. And so, Turkey was dying, trying, repeatedly in the spring—there’s a lot of evidence there were some attacks in the spring. The U.N. knows this, although they don’t say it. I write about that, too, in the article. And also, the American community knew. That’s the reason why that secret report I wrote about, the talking paper, was written. We knew that the radicals were—had used—the jihadist groups had access to nerve agent and had used it against Syrian soldiers in March and April. Those incidents that were always described by our government as being the responsibility of the rebels, with high confidence, it’s just not so. And the report makes it clear. We have had a huge problem before the August attack in—near Damascus. We knew about this potential for months before. We just—it’s the kind of information, for some reason, it doesn’t fit with what the administration wanted to hear, so it just never got out. And that—
AMY GOODMAN: On—
SEYMOUR HERSH: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: Sy, on Sunday, the website EA WorldView published a pieceheadlined "There is No Chemical Weapons Conspiracy—Dissecting Hersh’s 'Exclusive' on Insurgents Once More." The author, Scott Lucas, questioned the claim that rebels could have been responsible for the chemical weapons attack last August, given the range and scale of the operation. He wrote, quote, "Reports on the day and subsequently indicated that 7-12 sites were attacked with chemical agents at the same time. In other words, whoever was responsible for the attacks launched multiple surface-to-surface rockets with chemical payloads against opposition-held towns in East Ghouta and one town in West Ghouta, near Damascus. [The chemical] attacks were ... followed by ... heavy conventional attacks." The author, Scott Lucas, says that you fail to ask questions about whether anyone, apart from the regime, would have the ability to carry out such an extensive operation. Sy?
SEYMOUR HERSH: [inaudible] first article on—we’re past that. We now know. Actually, The New York Times even ran a retraction, of sorts. You had a—it was like reading Pravda. But if you read the article carefully, The New York Times had run a series of articles after the event saying that the warheads in question that did the damage came from a Syrian army base, something like nine kilometers, six miles, away. And at that time, there were a number of analysts, a group from MIT[Massachusetts Institute of Technology], led by Ted Postol, who used to be a science adviser to the CNO, the chief of naval operations, clearly somebody with a great deal of background and no bias. He did a series of studies with his team that concluded that the warheads probably didn’t go more than one or two, at most, kilometers—two kilometers, 1.2 miles. And we now know from the U.N. report—a man named Ake Sellstrom, who ran the U.N. investigation, he’s concluded the same thing: These missiles that were fired were fired no more than a mile.
They were—one looks—just from the footage one saw, they were homemade. They didn’t fit any of the nomenclature of the known weapons. And don’t think we don’t have a very good picture of what the Syrians have in terms of warheads. They have a series of warheads that can deliver chemical weapons, and we know the dimensions of all of them. And none of these weapons fit that. And so, you have a U.N. report. You have this independent report saying they were—went no more than one or two kilometers. And so, I don’t know why we’re talking about multiple-launch rockets. These are homemade weapons. And it seems very clear to most observers—as I say, even to the U.N. team that did the final report—the U.N., because of whatever rules they have, wasn’t able to say that—who fired what. They could just say—they just could describe the weapons and never make a judgment. But I can tell you, I quote somebody from inside that investigation unit who was very clear that the weapons fired were homemade and were not Syrian army. This is asked and answered; these are arguments that go on. This is—I assume it’s a blog. I don’t know the—I don’t know the blog.
AMY GOODMAN: And—
SEYMOUR HERSH: But this has been going—yes?
AMY GOODMAN: And Turkey’s interest, if it were the case, in pushing the red line and supporting an attack that would be attributed to Assad—their interest in getting the U.S. to attack Syria?
SEYMOUR HERSH: Oh, my god, totally of great interest, because Erdogan has put—the prime minister of Turkey has put an enormous amount of effort and funds and others, including his intelligence service, in the disposable in the—he and Bashar are like, you know, at loggerheads. He wants to see him go. And he’s been on the attack constantly, supporting the most radical factions there. And also, I must say he’s also supporting the secular factions, the people who seriously want to overthrow Bashar and don’t want to see a jihadist regime; they just want to see a government that’s not controlled by one family, you know? But there’s no question Turkey has a deep investment in this. And it’s going badly. It’s very clear now that the Syrian army has the upper hand and is essentially—the war is essentially over. I know, I don’t like to—in terms of getting rid of Bashar, that’s no longer a done deal. There’s going to be some outpost, perhaps, in areas near Turkey where there will be various factions. They’ll be under pressure from the Syrian army all the way. But, essentially, this is a losing card we have. We don’t like to admit it, but that’s it. Bashar has held on. And whatever that means—
AMY GOODMAN: Seymour Hersh, I want to thank you very much for being with us, Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist, Washington, [D.C.]. We will have a link to your latest piece in the London Review of Books, headlined "The Red Line and the Rat Line." This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. When we come back, 20 years ago today, the genocide in Rwanda began. We’ll go to Kigali. Stay with us.

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[New post] PORCUPINES AND APHORISMS—SCHOPENHAUER

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poet816 posted: "PORCUPINES AND APHORISMS—SCHOPENHAUER Of all the aphorisms made by a philosopher, perhaps the most well-known and famous is Schopenhauer's about the Procupines and how people resemble them. The main point, of course, is how people do need society in gene"

CAPITALISM V. SOCIALISM

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Is it worth trying, once again, to explain what is going on with Capitalism?  We have a population that simply can not listen nor think.

Yet, just to round it up once and for all, is a chance to see the two discussed.  It is worth pointing out that much of the material referenced does not even give credit to past actions, so it might be worth while to point to them here.

Moves towards de-regulation started with Carter and took off with subsequent Presidents.  The Bushes and Clinton did the most damage lately.  All of the regulations put in place were put there during the Roosevelt administration and were ideas supplied by Eugene Debs and Henry Wallace (FDR's) VP until his final term.  Roosevelt, himself one of what they call the "one percent," said he was running to "save my friends from themselves."  In other words, of of his socialist ideas were implemented to save capitalism.

Later, even things like Social Security are considered Socialist and without Medicare and Medicaid many, perhaps a majority of the population, would have filed bankruptcy.  In fact, the economic damage done by repealing many of the FDR reforms even led to a redefining of many of the bankruptcy laws, especially Chapter 7 which is used by the lowest section of the so-called "middle-class".

On the other hand, the upper one-percent file bankruptcy on a regular basis.  Even more telling is the importance of socialism to that one-percent in the form of bailouts, or "to-big-to-fail" institutions.  It is pointed out below that not one of the countries with free healthcare (socialized medicine) have repealed it, although wealthy interests have done their best to castrate it.

One reason I seldom see Fox News is that very shoert periods go by without some discussion of "Obamacare," a program that is hardly socialist.  There was an early attempt to make it so, then reduced to a "public option," and finally eliminated altogether to make it run exclusively by for-profit (Capitalist) insurance companies.  If the so-called "Public Option" had been insisted upon, it would have defeated the entire program.

A point it that whenever people hear about "Socialism," they are conditioned to think of all sorts of horrible things, they know not what, perhaps Stalin or Kruschev, but certainly not a true democracy which it is.  In other words, Capitalism is an economic system that uses the government and military to further its own ends, in other words Fascism, or not a political system at all.  You may be interested in the role Israel plays in this.

THURSDAY, APRIL 10, 2014

Wall Street’s Land Grab: Firms Amass Rental Empire, Ousting Tenants & Threatening New Housing Crisis

The Blackstone Group, a private equity firm, is now the largest owner of single-family rental homes in the country. In one day alone, Blackstone bought up 1,400 houses in Atlanta. And as private equity firms gobble up huge swaths of the housing market, they are partnering with big banks to bundle the mortgages on these rental homes into a new financial product known as "rental-backed securities," reminiscent of the "mortgage-backed securities" that helped cause the last financial crisis. Could this new private equity rental empire help spark the next housing crisis? We are joined by Laura Gottesdiener, author of "A Dream Foreclosed: Black America and the Fight for a Place to Call Home," who calls this wave of purchases "a land grab." Gottesdiener’s latest article focuses on New York City’s rental market, a case study in what critics call "predatory equity." Large firms have used abusive tactics to oust tenants in a bid to hike up rents — and tenants have been resisting. We are also joined by Benjamin Warren, who, along with nearly 1,600 families in 42 buildings, is a victim of one of the largest single foreclosures in the city’s recent history.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: You may not have heard of the Blackstone Group, but it’s the largest private equity firm in the world. And now it’s become the largest owner of single-family rental homes in the country. Over the last few years, Blackstone and other Wall Street firms have been quietly grabbing up huge swaths of the rental housing market, purchasing more than 200,000 cheap homes, hoping to turn a profit. At one auction in Atlanta, Blackstone swept up 1,400 houses in a single day. A new report released Wednesday by Right to the City Alliance found like Blackstone tenants in Atlanta had reported a range of issues, from burst pipes and exposed plumbing to bed bugs, which their Wall Street landlord has been slow to fix. In addition, private equity firms are partnering with big banks to bundle the mortgages on these rental homes into a new financial product known as "rental-backed securities," reminiscent of the mortgage-backed securities that crashed the economy in 2007 and 2008.
AMY GOODMAN: Now a new article turns the spotlight on New York City, a case study on what critics call "predatory equity." Here in New York, private equity firms have bought up rent-regulated properties, hoping tenants will leave so they can hike up the rent. When tenants fought to stay, the firms resorted to predatory tactics, from sending out fake eviction notices to shutting off heat or water. Right now in New York City, 1,600 families in 42 buildings are falling victim to one of the largest single foreclosures in the city’s recent history, after a conglomerate of private equity firms failed to pay its mortgage.
For more, we’re joined now by two guests. Ben Warren is with us. He’s a housing advocate who has been part of his building’s tenant committee in the South Bronx since the 1980s. He’s a tenant in one of those 42 buildings now being hit by the massive foreclosure, member of Community Action for Safe Apartments, or CASA. And Laura Gottesdiener is with us, the author of A Dream Foreclosed: Black America and the Fight for a Place to Call Home. It was published by Zuccotti Park Press. She’s an editor at Waging Nonviolence. Her most recent piece for TomDispatch is called "When Predatory Equity Hit the Big Apple: How Private Equity Came to New York’s Rental Market—and What That Tells Us About the Future."
We welcome you both to Democracy Now! Laura, tell us about this particular case.
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Sure. Thanks for having me. It’s—you know, as we’ve been looking at the growth of this single-family rental empire across the country, what we hear over and over again is that this is an utterly unprecedented phenomenon, that nothing like this has ever happened in the history of the United States. In many ways, that’s true. But in other ways, in New York City, we have this case study of what it’s looked like over the last decade when private equity firms have gone in and seen what they consider to be opportunities in the housing market to make a lot of money really quickly. I know this is something, Juan, that you’ve covered extensively for the Daily News. And what’s important to see, both in this case right now that Benjamin is living through and that 1,600 other families are living through and in a slew of other past very high-profile deals, is that this has been something of a disaster not just for tenants, but also from a financial perspective. These are deals that they were betting big—these private equity firms were betting big that they could turn these buildings around by pushing out hundreds of thousands of families. They weren’t able to push out families, because families organized. And as a result of that organizing, these deals failed, and it made a situation where the broader housing market in New York City got hit and these tenants had to live in completely inhumane conditions.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, what about the rise of this private equity involvement? Because, I mean, most of these private equity firms often depend on pension funds, on labor pension funds to invest in them to create the capital they amass to then do these cash buyouts. Hasn’t there been any reaction on the part of activists to tell—question these pension funds on how they’re investing their money?
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Yeah, I think that’s one of the most important aspects of this story that is very rarely reported. So, for example, one of the most spectacular private equity deals, predatory equity deals, to fail in New York City happened in complexes in Manhattan called Stuyvesant Town and Cooper Village. And these were—these are massive properties, you know, in lower Manhattan where a private equity firm, the BlackRock Group, or BlackRock—which is different than Blackstone, but they’re often confused—believed that it could buy up these properties, transition these families out, force these families out—
AMY GOODMAN: Thousands of families.
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Yeah, tens of thousands. We’re talking about tens of thousands of families. We’re talking about one of the largest deals in New York City history, in U.S. history. And it completely failed because the tenants did an incredible job of organizing for the fight to the right to stay. But what’s interesting is BlackRock, at the end of this $5.4 billion deal, lost just over $100 million. However, the California public pension fund lost $500 million. The California teachers’ retirement fund lost $100 million.
AMY GOODMAN: Because?
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Because they had invested in this deal, and because these deals are often rigged, such as that if the private equity firm loses, they don’t lose very much money, and if they win, they win an incredible amount of money. So, again, it’s one of these examples of these perverse incentives where private equity firms, big banks, are able to eliminate risk for themselves through these complex financial products, through these securities, but meanwhile, our own lives, our own communities, are getting significantly less secure.
AMY GOODMAN: Why rental properties? Why are they—turn a profit for these equity companies?
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: In New York, the bet was that private equity firms could buy up an incredible number of rent-regulated buildings and force the tenants to leave. And by forcing them out, they—based on New York City tenant law, these owners now have the opportunity to raise the rents dramatically. The tenant laws in New York City is that if you’ve been living in an apartment for a long time, there’s a cap on the amount that the rent can go up each year. If a long-term tenant goes out, leaves, then you can raise the rent dramatically. So the bet by these private equity firms was that they could buy up these apartments and just force people out—at a rate that was, I mean, spectacular. In one deal, they bet, essentially—Rockpoint, a private equity firm, bet that in five years they would be able to force 50 percent of the tenants out of their properties. The turnover for rent-regulated properties in New York City is 5 percent. So, the reason we call this a predatory equity deal is because there is no way—and you can testify to this—there is no way that they could hit these financial projections without doing things like cutting off the heat, cutting off the water, cutting off the hot water, allowing vermin infestations to fester—all of these abuses to push people out of their homes.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Ben Warren, tell us your story and the buildings that you have been helping to organize now for quite some time.
BENJAMIN WARREN: Well, I’m in 1511 Sheridan, 1511-1521 Sheridan Avenue. And that building—
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: This is in the Bronx.
BENJAMIN WARREN: In the Bronx, correct, the South Bronx. Well, in that building, we have problems with—one is—one time it was a problem with the heat, hot water. They found a way of just shutting off the heat, turning it on at a certain time, shutting it off at a certain time. They have a thing about rent. Tenants will move in those apartments. They say, "OK, you have to pay three rents. You have to pay a month’s rent, a month’s security and a month’s broker’s fee." Now, I make it clear to the tenants that if you didn’t—
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Now, this is for tenants who are already living in the apartments?
BENJAMIN WARREN: No, tenants that’s coming in for the first time.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Oh, coming in, OK.
BENJAMIN WARREN: They would charge them a broker’s fee. And I tell them, "Now, wait a minute. Did you see a broker? Did you contract with a broker?" They say, "No, I just came to the building. I saw the super. And, OK, we end up paying a broker’s fee.""Why? Did you know that broker’s fee was illegal, because you did not contract with a broker?" They don’t know this.
But then, we have other problems, like tenants moving into a new apartment. If the previous tenant was there, and he’s only paying $626, the new tenant come in, they’re paying a thousand dollars, which is way above the equity price of that apartment. Yet, if a tenant bring in another relative or another member to live in that apartment with them, they will raise the rent again, to $120, $160 more. And this is going on kind of rapid, you know, just regular with Colonial Management.
AMY GOODMAN: You’ve called the city to complain about conditions like not having fire or proper routes to get out?
BENJAMIN WARREN: That’s correct. I—
AMY GOODMAN: What’s the issue?
BENJAMIN WARREN: Well, first of all, as everybody knows, we have—you must have a secondary exit to get out of the building. If you have emergency where you can’t leave the front of the building, you must be able to have a secondary way to get out. In my building, 1511-1521, they blocked off the secondary exits. So, one time, they actually blocked off the secondary exits for 1511, so you couldn’t get out if there was an emergency. They blocked off the CDC and C&D [phon.] side, where if they had to get out of the building through a secondary exit, they can’t get out. They’re blocked. They’re stuck.
AMY GOODMAN: So what is the city doing about it?
BENJAMIN WARREN: Well, first of all, we had the fire department come in. They issued violations that these are illegal gates. As of yet, they’re still there.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you tell us about Ocelot, Laura?
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Sure. Ocelot was a real estate company based in New York that was backed by private equity money from Israeli private equity companies. It—I’m using the past tense because it essentially all but disappeared in the midst of this crisis that it orchestrated. It bought up a number of properties up in the Bronx and immediately started creating unlivable situations, with the goal of forcing tenants out. We’re talking about no heat. We’re talking about no hot water. Sometimes we’re talking about no water at all. We’re talking about ceilings caving in, pipes bursting. One tenant organizer who went up and did a site visit said that she found a family living with no bathroom and three small children.
And, you know, people always ask, "Well, why don’t people just move?" But we have to contextualize this in the midst of a much broader housing crisis that we’re very much still living through. So, you know, when people have this rent regulation or they have a housing voucher and it’s affiliated with a building, it’s attached to a building that they can afford, but even if it’s unlivable, people will stay and fight for the right to live in the city where their job is, where their community is, where their family is. And so, Ocelot really made headlines by highlighting the fact that these private equity firms were creating situations that people can’t conceive families are living through in New York City.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And what’s been the response of the regulatory officials on some of these issues? I know when Eliot Spitzer was attorney general, he went after some of the groups, but he actually himself is from a landlord family, and he didn’t go after them too vigorously. And now with attorney general—then Andrew Cuomo came in as attorney general; now you have Eric Schneiderman. What’s been their response to these abuses?
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Yeah, that’s a great question. I mean, we did see the Attorney General’s Office sue Vantage, which is one of the landlords of Benjamin’s building, for a systemic attempt to force people out by sending illegal eviction notices. We really have to highlight: These are illegal actions. Sending illegal eviction notices, cutting off the heat, cutting off the hot water, all of these are illegal. Why haven’t we seen sort of more, you know, prosecution of these crimes? It’s a question I get all the time. At the same point, I ask back, you know, "Why are we surprised that they’re getting away with these types of abuses?" These are the exact same types of crimes and abuses that we saw rampant during the mortgage crisis. This is part of a too-big-to-fail mentality. I would also say this is part of a process that the Bloomberg administration really made its official housing policy, to gentrify the city, to rezone it, to push low-income and working-class people out of it, people of color, to turn it into a gilded city. And so, you know, I talked to a lot of people, for this article, who work inside city agencies. They say that the city agencies that would sort of prosecute these are underfunded, but there’s also a lack of political will.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, one of the things that you raise in your article is that there’s been—the housing market has rebounded, but homeownership has not increased nationwide.
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Yeah.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Talk about that.
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Sure. I mean, so, with that, that, we’re going to the national level, at which we talk all the time—every single news article is about this housing recovery. And it never asks who is it a recovery for. But, you know, this discrepancy between homeownership and rising prices, I think, really gets to the heart of the matter. We’re seeing home prices rise very rapidly in many cities across the country. That said, the national homeownership rate is still falling. So, who’s buying these homes? Well, it’s these private equity firms like the Blackstone Group, like American Homes for Rent, that are buying up an incredible number of homes, about 200,000 homes across the country, in what, in my opinion, can really only be described as a land grab.
AMY GOODMAN: And bundling them.
LAURA GOTTESDIENER: Bundling them and selling off, you know, a bond as a security to investors all around the world in these rental-backed securities. What’s exciting to me in the New York City case is that even though, you know, it’s created an untenable situation for many tenants, we have an example of everyday, ordinary people organizing and beating these private equity firms.
AMY GOODMAN: We want to thank you both for being with us. Laura Gottesdiener, who is the author of A Dream Foreclosed: Black America and the Fight for a Place to Call Home, we’ll link to your article at TomDispatch, "When Predatory Equity Hit the Big Apple." And thanks so much, Benjamin Warren. We will continue to follow your case, as well as so many others in the city and around the country.
This is Democracy Now! When we come back, there is a vast banner that’s been laid out in a field in Pakistan that can be seen from the heavens, or at least from satellites. It’s a picture of a girl. She lost her family in a drone strike. Stay with us.

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FRIDAY, APRIL 11, 2014

"Imagine Living in a Socialist USA": New Book Envisions Greater Democracy, World Without Capitalism

We end today’s show looking at a new book titled "Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA." The book features essays by many prominent people, including Michael Moore, Angela Davis, Frances Fox Piven, Martín Espada, Rick Wolff and Democracy Now! co-host Juan González. The book comes out at a time when polls show Americans aged 18 to 29 have a more favorable reaction to the word "socialism" than "capitalism." The book is co-edited by the legendary book agent Frances Goldin, who has worked in the publishing world for more than six decades and will turn 90 years old in June. In 1951, at age 27, Goldin ran for New York State Senate on an American Labor Party slate headed by W.E.B. Du Bois. Goldin joins us now along with one of her co-editors, Michael Smith. He is a New York City attorney and a board member of the Center for Constitutional Rights.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We end today’s show looking at a new book titled Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA. It is co-edited by the legendary book agent Frances Goldin, who has worked in the publishing world for over six decades. Goldin turns 90 years old in May. She has said she has long had two goals left in life. One was to help free Mumia Abu-Jamal. The other was to publish a book about socialism in the United States.
AMY GOODMAN: While Frances Goldin is still working to help free Mumia Abu-Jamal, her book on socialism was recently published. The book features essays by Michael Moore and Angela Davis, Frances Fox Piven, Martín Espada, Rick Wolff and our own Juan González. Frances Goldin joins us now, along with one of her co-editors, Michael Smith. He’s a New York City attorney, author, and board member of the Center for Constitutional Rights.
We welcome you both to Democracy Now! So, Frances, tell us about why this has been an aspiration of yours to publish a book on socialism.
FRANCES GOLDIN: Well, I have been pretty depressed about the route our country is taking. It was shocking to me, after all the years of struggle and the gains that we’ve made, with regard to people voting, with regard to women having rights to abortion if they wanted it, all these hard-won gains being destroyed by the right, which is—they’ve decided that Democrats are not going to vote for them, so they’ve—the way they’re fixing it is to prevent people from voting. And there are many, many states that have laws passed that make it very hard there. They’re stopping early voting. They’re not allowing weekend voting. You have to bring in your right arm and take a quart of blood in order to cast a ballot. This is outrageous. That was one major reason, because we were running to hell in a handbasket. We weren’t moving toward democracy; we were moving toward fascism. And that scared the hell out of me.
And the other reason was the ignorance of the general population as to what socialism really is. They didn’t have a clue. And, of course, the media made sure they didn’t have a clue. And I thought it was important in plain English—not in academese, but in plain English—and for that, I credit our editor, Steve Wishnia, who did a wonderful job of making all of these theories into plain English, so that students, high school students, college students, and the masses of people who read their daily news could understand what we were trying to say about what socialism would be like, not in Russia, not in China, but in our United States. And I think the book succeeds in making clear how people would benefit, not be harmed, by socialism, because it has to be the most democratic form of government ever conceived.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Michael, how did Frances get you involved in this project? And also, to the surprise of many, the book is being published by HarperCollins, the Rupert Murdoch publishing company. How did that happen?
MICHAEL STEVEN SMITH: The demon of the publishing world, as Alex Cockburn said. I knew Frances from Mumia defense work. Incidentally, the profits, if we make any from this book, are all going to Mumia’s defense. Frances said, "I don’t want a small, left-wing publisher. I want a major publisher." So she went to Oxford, and the guy said, "This book isn’t balanced enough." So Frances said, "What the hell do you mean, 'balanced enough'? What do you want? A half a chapter on fascism?" But we lost there.
So then she went to Harper. And Frances has dealings with Harper through her agency. They turned her down. They said, "Well, we don’t think—our marketing people said that we can’t sell enough books." So Frances says, "Let me remind you of something. I gave you Barbara Kingsolver. I gave you the book that sold second most, next to the Bible, in the world, Goodnight Moon. And I want this book published." So they called her back, and they said, "Frances, your passion has won out. Come up and see us."
So Frances and I and my wife, Debby Smith, who is the other co-editor, go up to their office on 53rd Street near Fifth Avenue. We meet with the executive vice president, a British guy. He’s got one of those offices that looks like a living room, you know, with a couch and a chair and tables, a desk, everything. We walk in, and on the couch are two pillows. One’s got a drawing of Queen Elizabeth II, and the other pillow has got a drawing of Karl Marx. So I said, "Mr. Burnham, this is an auspicious beginning." And he laughed. He’s a congenial British guy. And he said, "What’s your definition of socialism?" I said, "Well, it’s not only political democracy, but it’s economic democracy, where people take over and run the resources that affect their lives." And he said, "Will you take $10,000 as an advance?" And I said, "Will you plow it into promoting the book?" And he said, "We’ll try." And I said, "Well, we’ve got a deal." So that’s how we got, of all places, Harper’s.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, on that issue, that question, "What is socialism?" Michael, for people who—in this country, the media rarely talks about it, to say the least—if it’s ever mentioned, in a disparaging way.
MICHAEL STEVEN SMITH: You know, Paul Le Blanc—the book is set up in three sections. The first is an indictment of capitalism. That’s easy. All you’ve got to do is tune into Democracy Now! every morning, and you realize what’s going on. The second part, and the meat of the book—and we can talk about this in a second—but it’s got 20 chapters on everything you can imagine, every institution in this society, and how it would be different if we didn’t have capitalism. And the last part of the book are six essays on how we get from where we are to where we want to be, how to make that transformation. And your essay, Juan, I have to say—it’s a book full of wisdom, not the least of which is your essay on immigrants and the role that they’ll play in that transformation.
But in any case, in a word, Paul Le Blanc writes—he’s a historian, and he wrote one of the chapters on how to transform it. He says, socialism involves people taking control of their own lives, shaping their own futures, and together controlling the resources that make such freedom possible. ... Socialism will come to nothing if it is not a movement of the great majority in the interests of the great majority. ... People can only become truly free through their own efforts." That’s a good Passover message, by the way. That’s our definition of socialism. It’s true democracy.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Frances, one of the—to me, the most striking essays—there were many in the book—was the one by Mumia and Angela Davis on the prison-industrial complex. First of all, how did you manage to put together that collaboration between the two of them, one incarcerated and one traveling around the world, and also the importance of that particular essay?
FRANCES GOLDIN: Well, it was easy, because Angela Davis was a supporter of Mumia’s freedom. So they were not unknown to each other. Also, she wrote a book about the end of prisons. So it was a natural for us. It was not easy, because he’s in prison, she’s free. They had to collaborate by stuff going back and forth. It was very complicated.
But what they came up with was an entirely different approach to how we deal with so-called crime. And it’s more like what was done by Native Americans when they had people which broke laws—who broke laws. And they were tried, so to speak, by their peers—by their mothers and fathers and doctors and chiefs, etc.—who embarrassed them in front of the community and made them feel bad about what they had done and what they could do to overcome their crime. So it was done—it was called "the commons." It was done by the community, in the community, for the community. And that’s why she says, get rid of prisons; just have local tribunals, where the people who know this person, man or woman, can put them on the right track.
It’s revolutionary, but makes a lot of sense, because our prison system locks up millions of people who have never committed a crime in their life, the prime one being Mumia Abu-Jamal, who never killed anybody. And the woman who is grieving her departed husband, she grieved for the person who really killed the guy, and not for Mumia, who had nothing to do with that murder, and who has, incidentally, become one of the leading intellectuals in the United States. And I am now working on his seventh book. And all of his books have been in print for 30 years, and every one of them remains in print and continues to sell.
AMY GOODMAN: In January, we interviewed Kshama Sawant, one of the few Socialists to hold elected office in the country. She is an economics teacher and former Occupy Wall Street activist who was elected to Seattle’s City Council after she ran on a campaign to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour. We asked Sawant why she decided to run as a Socialist.
KSHAMA SAWANT: The important thing about running as a Socialist is, you know, for one, to show that there is a definite openness for clear alternatives, not only to the big business parties, but the system that they represent, the capitalist system. And if you look at recent polls, they show that people, especially young people, are much more open to socialism than you would find out from the corporate media. People are also fed up with the political dysfunction.
AMY GOODMAN: That is the new Socialist Seattle City Councilmember Kshama Sawant. Michael Smith? And also, as we wrap up, because we have less than a minute right now, when people say, "You choose democracy, or you choose capitalism," the contradiction in that?
MICHAEL STEVEN SMITH: Capitalism is incompatible with democracy. Fascism is compatible with capitalism, but not—democracy and capitalism don’t go. And we can see that trend. We did a book—Michael Ratner wrote the introduction—on Bill Kunstler’s writings, one of the founders of the Center for Constitutional Rights, and we called it The Emerging Police State. And people said, "Well, it’s a little over the top, you know?" But it’s exactly what’s happening. And as Juan points out in his chapter, we either develop some socialist leadership and build a left-wing alternative here, or we’re going to have fascism. That’s the direction things are going in. So, Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA will help people get from where we are to where we want to be.
AMY GOODMAN: We want to thank you both for being with us. Frances Goldin, literary agent, she was the literary agent for Adrienne Rich, she was for Barbara Kingsolver, Mumia Abu-Jamal, housing activist for over 60 years, and she will be turning 90—I understand that we were making you a little older than you were—in June. And so we wish you a happy pre-birthday. Michael Smith, thanks so much for being with us, as well, co-editors of Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA. That does it for the broadcast. Yes?
MICHAEL STEVEN SMITH: Brooklyn Folk Festival, the weekend after next in Brooklyn.
AMY GOODMAN: We’ll let people know.

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"Diese Auszeichnung ist für Snowden "

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"Diese Auszeichnung ist für Snowden "

Nicht viel Zeit, dies einzuführen , aber heute ist die Pulitzer ging an den Guardian und der Washington Post für ihre Rolle in der gleichen Geschichte. Wir wollten einfach das für Sie so bald wie möglich zu erhalten.

Andere Dinge sind , wie auf ganz Ost- Ukraine Revolte gegen Kiew. Mehr zu anderen Fragen, wenn sich der Staub gelegt . Für Sie sicher, wird die Regierung in Kiew tut ihr Bestes , um mit seinem eigenen Plädoyer für die Unterstützung verstopfen Social Media. Ein weiterer Punkt : merken früh auf den Schuss von einem hübschen jungen Mädchen um Hilfe für die Ukraine ? Nun stellt sich heraus, es produziert wurde. Wenn als Fälschung ausgesetzt , sie lief auch ein Take von " Wag the Dog " der Mädchen mit einem weißen Kätzchen , falls Sie daran erinnern, dass Film.



MONDAY , 14. April 2014
"Diese Auszeichnung ist für Snowden " : Greenwald , Poitras akzeptieren Polk Honor für Machen NSA -Überwachungs
In ihrer ersten Rückkehr in die Vereinigten Staaten seit Aussetzen Massenüberwachungsmaßnahmender National Security Agency , Journalisten Glenn Greenwald und Laura Poitras wurden in New York City am Freitag mit dem George Polk Award für Nationale Sicherheit Berichterstattung geehrt. In den vergangenen 10 Monaten, Poitras und Greenwald haben Schlüsselrollen in die Berichterstattung über die massiven Grube von Dokumenten durch Edward Snowden durchgesickert gespielt. Sie wurden von Kollegen Ewen MacAskill von The Guardian und Barton Gellman von The Washington Post, mit denen sie die Auszeichnung geteilt verbunden . In ihren Dankesreden , Poitras Greenwald und würdigte ihre Quelle . " Jede dieser Auszeichnungen nur liefert weitere Bestätigung , dass das, was [ Snowden ] hat in den kommenden zukunfts war absolut das Richtige zu tun und verdient Dankbarkeit , und nicht die Anklagen und Jahrzehnten im Gefängnis ", sagte Greenwald . "Keiner von uns hier sein würde ... ohne die Tatsache, dass jemand entschieden, ihr Leben zu opfern, diese Informationen zur Verfügung zu stellen ", sagte Poitras . "Und so ist diese Auszeichnung wirklich für Edward Snowden . "
TRANSCRIPT
Dies ist eine der Hauptverkehrs Transkript . Kopieren möglicherweise nicht in seiner endgültigen Form sein.
Amy Goodman: Vor zehn Monaten , Laura Poitras Glenn Greenwald und flog von New York nach Hongkong, um National Security Agency Whistleblower Edward Snowden erfüllen. Seitdem haben sie eine Fundgrube von Geschichten Aussetzen der NSA und die nationale Überwachungsstaat veröffentlicht. Poitras Greenwald und nicht in die Vereinigten Staaten bis zu diesem letzten Freitag zurückkehren, wenn sie von Berlin nach New York geflogen , um den George Polk Award für Nationale Sicherheit Berichterstattung zu akzeptieren. Sie flogen in nicht zu wissen , ob sie von der US- Regierung festgenommen oder vorgeladen werden. Im Januar , der Direktor der nationalen Geheimdienste , James Clapper , beschrieben Journalisten, die auf der NSA- Geschichte, wie Snowdens , Zitat, " Komplizen ". Im Februar Republikaner Mike Rogers Congressmember , Vorsitzender des Haus Intelligence Committee , Glenn Greenwald beschuldigt der Verkauf gestohlener Waren durch die Berichterstattung Geschichten auf den NSA -Dokumente. Greenwald und Poitras wurden auf ihrer Reise von einem ACLU Anwalt , ein deutscher Reporter und Glenn Greenwald -Partner , David Miranda begleitet . Letztes Jahr wurde Miranda neun Stunden am Londoner Flughafen Heathrow unter einer Anti-Terror- Gesetz festgenommen.
An der George Polk Preisverleihung in New York Freitag, wurden Poitras Greenwald und von ihren Kollegen , Ewen MacAskill von The Guardian und Barton Gellman der Washington Post , der den Preis gemeinsam mit ihnen verbunden sind. Das ist Laura Poitras , gefolgt von Glenn Greenwald , in ihren Dankesreden .
LAURA Poitras : Also, ich bin wirklich unglaublich geehrt, hier und dankbar, dass die Polk Ausschusses sein , dass sie mir eine wirklich gute Ausrede, um nach Hause zu kommen. Dies ist das erste Mal, dass ich zu Hause gewesen , seit ich ein Flugzeug bestieg mit Glenn und Ewen , nach Hongkong zu gehen, und so ist es wirklich spektakulär , hier zu sein . Und es ist auch ziemlich verwirrend . Im vergangenen Mai , wissen Sie, das Feld , was wir sahen , war eine Menge Unsicherheit , Risiko-, Sorge für alle, und so ist es wirklich außergewöhnlich , hier zu sein und erhalten diese Auszeichnung. Aber ich denke, dass es wichtig ist auch, dass wir uns daran erinnern , dass, wenn wir tatsächlich diese Berichterstattung zu tun , die enormen Risiken, die Journalisten nehmen und vor allem , dass die Quellen übernehmen , und im Fall von Snowden , Putting sein Leben auf der Linie, wörtlich zu teilen diese Informationen an die Öffentlichkeit , nicht nur in der amerikanischen Öffentlichkeit , sondern für die Öffentlichkeit international .
Und wir, ich möchte etwas über die Arbeit mit Glenn und Ewen sagen . People- Sie wissen nicht wirklich, wie die Menschen , um das Risiko zu reagieren, bis Sie mit ihm konfrontiert. Wissen Sie, hoffen, dass Sie , dass Sie aufstehen und , dass Sie sich gegenseitig wieder zu haben , und dass diejenigen, werden die Menschen, die Sie schützen und erhalten Sie zu Hause sicher zu sein . Und ich will nur sagen , dass diese Auszeichnung nicht möglich jeden Schritt des Weges sein, ohne ihren Mut und ihre Tapferkeit und heftige Berichterstattung. Und wir waren, wie Ewen sagte ungetestet Zusammenarbeit . Wir hatten jeder hatte unseren Fachgebieten , aber wir auf der Ebene, die noch nie zusammen gearbeitet und tat etwas und arbeitete in einer Weise zusammen , die wirklich außergewöhnlich war, bekam , und ich werde für immer an sie gebunden werden.
Keiner von uns würde hier - Bart , Ewen , Glenn , The Washington Post , The Guardian, The New York Times, all die Menschen, die angeboten werden diese Auszeichnungen , ohne dass jemand beschlossen, ihre Leben zu opfern, diese Informationen zur Verfügung zu stellen sein . Er ist nicht die erste Person , die ihr Leben geopfert hat , aber er mit Informationen, ermöglicht es uns, zu wissen, was tatsächlich passiert vorne kamen . Und so ist diese Auszeichnung wirklich für Edward Snowden . Danke.
GLENN GREENWALD : Zunächst einmal , ich danke Ihnen so sehr auf die Polk Ausschusses und der Long Island University für diese Auszeichnung . Die Berichterstattung , die wir getan haben, war eine Menge Unterstützung und viel Lob und dergleichen erhalten, aber es ist auch eine sehr intensive Kritik erhielt , vor allem in den Vereinigten Staaten und dem Vereinigten Königreich Und so geehrt und von unserer journalistischen anerkannt werden Kollegen auf diese Weise Raum für mich, zumindest - bedeutet sehr viel . Ich bin auch wirklich geehrt, die Auszeichnung mit den Menschen , die ich als meine journalistischen Kollegen, die auf der Bühne sind hier bei mir, die Leute, die James Clapper ruft zu teilen " Komplizen ". Wissen Sie, es ist wirklich wahr , dass die Geschichte nicht ohne zahlreiche Menschen gesagt haben , zu sagen, es verpflichtet , beteiligt bei jedem Schritt des Weges.
Und ich bin wirklich glücklich, endlich einen Tisch voller Wächter Redakteure und Journalisten , deren Rolle in dieser Geschichte war viel fester als die Werbung in der Regel erkennt sehen . Ich meine, ich denke, es ist einfach, jetzt zurückblicken und denken, das ist so offensichtlich wie ein unglaublich wichtiger journalistische Geschichte und zu denken , dass jeder Redakteur oder Zeitung würde einfach rechts tauchen und wollen aggressiv erzählen die Geschichte , aber es war wirklich nicht wahr. Zurück in den frühen Tagen der Hong Kong gab es alle Arten von sehr ernsten Fragezeichen über der Quelle, das Material , die gesetzliche Haftpflicht , die politische Reaktion hängen . Und ich bin so froh, dass ich Teil einer Institution bei The Guardian mit unglaublich unerschrockenen Redakteure und Reporter besetzt war . Ewen Namen ein paar von ihnen , viele von ihnen , aber sicher führt die Liste ist Janine Gibson und Stuart Millar und Alan Rusbridger , der wirklich noch nie in so dass wir nicht nur zuckte zusammen , aber treibt uns und ermutigt uns, die Geschichte als furchtlos und aggressiv verfolgen wie möglich. Und ich glaube wirklich, dass die Berichterstattung nicht geschehen sein , die Art und Weise , die zumindest dachte ich , dass es passieren sollte , wäre es nicht für The Guardian gewesen . Also ich halte sie sicherlich ein integraler Bestandteil dieser Auszeichnung.
Nur einen letzten Punkt , nämlich, dass , wenn wir in Hongkong waren, haben wir tatsächlich ausgegeben , natürlich, viel Zeit im Gespräch über Politik und die Überwachung der Dokumente und dergleichen , aber wir haben auch mindestens so viel Zeit damit verbracht , wenn nicht mehr so , im Gespräch über Fragen der Medien und Journalismus . Und zum Teil war , dass, weil wir wussten, dass , wie die Medien behandelt diese Geschichte wäre ein großer Teil davon, wie - der , was die Wirkung war sein ; teil , wussten wir, dass es war, weil die Debatte, die wir hofften, auslösen war nicht nur ein über die Überwachung , sondern um die eigentliche Rolle des Journalismus und der Beziehung zwischen den Medien und der Regierung oder anderen Fraktionen , die große Macht ausüben . Aber wir wussten auch, dass wir diese Berichterstattung zu tun im Rahmen dessen, was bereits einige ziemlich schwere Gefahren für die Nachrichtenbeschaffung Prozess war , in Bezug auf die beispiellose Angriffe auf die Whistleblower von der Obama- Administration, sowie die Kontroverse , die buchstäblich geschehen war Wochen , bevor wir begannen zu veröffentlichen , die das Controlling durch AP und Telefon - E-Mails und Telefonaufzeichnungen von AP Reporter und Redakteure , und dann formell erklärt James Rosen von Fox News war eine , Zitat, " Mitverschwörer " weil er das getan, was jeder tun Journalisten einzelnen Tag , die mit ihrer Quelle arbeiten wird, um Informationen , dass die Öffentlichkeit wissen sollten sammeln . Und ich denke, es ist wichtig zu erkennen, wie diese Bedrohungen verstärkt in den letzten neun oder 10 Monate geworden .
Es gibt Möglichkeiten, Journalisten einzuschüchtern. Sie können sie in Massen einsperren, aber es gibt andere Möglichkeiten, es zu tun. Und fordern Journalisten auf Geschichten " Komplizen ", oder mit leistungsfähigen Vorsitzenden der Ausschüsse speziell beschuldigen Journalisten des Seins Verbrecher und sich für ihre Anklage oder mit großen Medien- Zahlen offen , ob wir sollten strafrechtlich verfolgt werden zu debattieren ist ein Weg, um das Klima der Angst zu intensivieren , wie Inhaftierung ist mein Partner oder marschieren in The Guardian Newsroom und sie zu zwingen, diese Laptops zu zerstören. Und ich denke , letztlich ist der einzige Weg, um mit dieser Art von Bedrohungen zu begegnen , nur die Berichterstattung zu tun, wie aggressiv , wenn nicht mehr, als Sie fehlt diese Bedrohungen haben würde . Und ich fühle mich wie alle Journalisten in dieser Geschichte beteiligt haben das getan , und ich bin wirklich stolz darauf, mit so viele, die haben gearbeitet haben.
Und dann, endlich , wissen Sie , ich glaube, Journalismus im Allgemeinen nicht möglich ist , ohne mutig Quellen . Ich weiß, unsere Journalismus , insbesondere , wäre ohne den unglaublichen Mut von Edward Snowden nicht möglich gewesen. Und es ist wirklich bemerkenswert , dass die Berichterstattung , die wir getan haben, hat alle Arten von Auszeichnungen nicht nur in den Vereinigten Staaten, sondern auf der ganzen Welt gewonnen , und er , insbesondere , hat immense Unterstützung aus allen Ländern empfangen werden, unglaubliche Mengen an Lob die Welt und alle Arten von Auszeichnungen, und die Tatsache, dass für die Tat zu bringen, um die Aufmerksamkeit der Welt dieses System der Massenüberwachung , die im Dunkeln konstruiert worden war , hat er nun mit buchstäblich Jahrzehnte im Gefängnis bedroht , wahrscheinlich für den Rest seines Lebens, als Ergebnis von dem, was die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten tut , denke ich, ist wirklich abscheulich und inakzeptabel. Und ich hoffe , dass, wie Journalisten, erkennen wir, wie wichtig es ist, nicht nur für unsere eigenen Rechte zu verteidigen , sondern auch die unserer Quellen, wie Edward Snowden . Und ich denke, jeder von diesen Auszeichnungen nur liefert weitere Bestätigung , dass das, was er in den kommenden vorwärts tat, war absolut das Richtige zu tun und verdient Dankbarkeit , und nicht die Anklagen und Jahrzehnte im Gefängnis. Vielen Dank .
Amy Goodman: Glenn Greenwald Journalisten und Laura Poitras , geben ihre Dankesreden an der George Polk Preisverleihung in New York am Freitag, den George - Polk Auszeichnungen , die zu den renommiertesten in Journalismus. Wenn wir zurückkommen , werden wir Auszüge aus der Pressekonferenz nach der Zeremonie ausgestrahlt. Dies ist Democracy Now! , Democracynow.org , der Krieg und die Friedensgutachten . Zurück in einer Minute.
MONDAY , 14. April 2014
"Wir werden nicht Erliegen Sie Bedrohungen " : Journalisten zurück zur USA für First Time Seit Enthüllung der NSA -Spionage
Vor zehn Monaten , Laura Poitras Glenn Greenwald und flog von New York nach Hongkong, um National Security Agency Whistleblower Edward Snowden erfüllen. Poitras Greenwald und nicht in die Vereinigten Staaten bis zu diesem letzten Freitag zurückkehren, wenn sie von Berlin nach New York geflogen , um den George Polk Award für Nationale Sicherheit Berichterstattung zu akzeptieren. Sie kamen nicht zu wissen, ob sie festgenommen oder vorgeladen werden, nachdem Director of National Intelligence James Clapper beschrieben Journalisten auf theNSA Geschichte, wie Snowdens " Komplizen ". Auf einer Pressekonferenz im Anschluss an die Preisverleihung George Polk , Poitras und Greenwald hat Fragen von Reportern über ihre Berichterstattung und der Regierung Einschüchterung es ausgelöst hat .
TRANSCRIPT
Dies ist eine der Hauptverkehrs Transkript . Kopieren möglicherweise nicht in seiner endgültigen Form sein.
Amy Goodman : Musik aus dem Album The Celestial Green Monster von Fred Ho, der Baritonsaxophonist , Komponist , Bandleader , Schriftsteller und Aktivist. Ho starb am Samstag nach einem langen Kampf mit dem Krebs. Er war 56 Jahre alt. Dies ist Democracy Now! , Democracynow.org , der Krieg und die Friedensgutachten . Ich bin Amy Goodman.
Nach dem Gewinn des George Polk Award für Nationale Sicherheit Berichterstattung am Freitag in New York, Glenn Greenwald Journalisten und Laura Poitras hielt eine Pressekonferenz zusammen mit Wächter- Reporter Ewen MacAskill . Die drei von ihnen waren die reportersNSA Whistleblower Edward Snowden traf im letzten Juni in Hong Kong. Poitras und Greenwald flog aus Berlin für die Zeremonie , in der Mitte ankommen . Die Reporter im Raum wusste nicht, was passieren würde. Democracy Now! nahmen an der Pressekonferenz nach der Zeremonie. Greenwald und Poitras begann mit der Antwort auf eine Frage , ob sie sich Sorgen darum, festgehalten oder festgenommen in die Vereinigten Staaten Freitag zum ersten Mal, seit sie mit der Arbeit an der NSA Geschichte waren .
GLENN GREENWALD : Wir waren nicht so besorgt, dass wir nicht bereit waren, das Flugzeug zu steigen . Ich meine, wenn wir waren wirklich besorgt , wären wir nicht gekommen. Es gab keinen Grund für uns zu kommen . Aber wir wussten , sicher, dass es ein Risiko war .
Ich meine , ich glaube, das Wichtigste ist , darüber zu wissen, ist, dass die amerikanischen nationalen Sicherheitsbehörden und anderen Beamten in der Regierung haben bewusst ein Umfeld, wo sie wollten, dass wir denken, es war ein Risiko, erstellt. Sie haben sich ganz bewusst und öffentlich vorgeschlagen, dass der Journalismus wir taten, war ein Verbrechen. Sie haben sich dafür ausgesprochen, dass wir verhaftet werden. Sie haben ihre Lieblings-Media- Zahlen offen über die Möglichkeit, dass wir wäre zu spekulieren. Sie sperrten meinem Partner für neun Stunden. Sie kündigten an , dass es eine Untersuchung anhängig Terrorismus in Großbritannien , und sie weigerten sich meine Anwälte keine Informationen darüber, ob überhaupt gab es eine Grand Jury Untersuchung , ob es eine Anklage unter dem Siegel - sehr ungewöhnliches Verhalten beim Umgang mit diesen Rechtsanwälten geben , insbesondere , die sagen , dass sie immer wenigstens etwas zu bekommen.
Und sie wollte, dass wir diese Art der Unsicherheit darüber, ob sie Maßnahmen nach der Rückkehr in die USA , die sehr klar ist zu nehmen. Und es ist einfach , glaube ich, zu sagen, es scheint nicht wahrscheinlich, dass es passieren wird , aber wenn diese Bedrohungen werden an Sie gerichtet , können Sie sie ernst nehmen. Und so haben wir , aber dann offensichtlich festgestellt, dass das Risiko war gering genug , vor allem , weil wir nicht denken, dass sie so kontra oder selbstzerstörerisch , es zu tun und waren deshalb bereit, in ein Flugzeug zu bekommen und kommen zurück .
REPORTER: Und diese Gespräche über die Anklageschrift , wie lange oder ob es eine Anklage oder Grand Jury aus , wie lange hat diese Gespräche weitergehen?
GLENN GREENWALD : Wir haben versucht , Informationen von der Regierung darüber, ob oder nicht, könnten wir sicher in die USA zurückkehren für mindestens vier bis fünf Monate zu bekommen. Und ursprünglich , die Regierung sagte, dass sie bereit sind , um Gespräche über das, was zur Folge haben könnte , dass waren , und dann letztlich , glaube ich, beschlossen, dass sie nicht bereit waren, diese Gespräche haben , weil sie einfach nicht mehr zurückhaltenAnrufe und dabei Hinweise zu geben . Und so sind sie nur ausdrücklich abgelehnt zu sagen, ob oder nicht da waren , ob es eine anhängige Anklage unter Verschluss , oder ob wir die Ziele einer Grand Jury Untersuchung oder nicht.
Amy Goodman : Ihre Reise ist noch nicht vorbei. Es hat nicht nur am Flughafen passieren . Was sind Sie besorgt über , sowohl für Glenn und Laura ? Und , Laura, wenn Sie , wie Ihre Erfahrungen kommen durch den Flughafen heute im Vergleich mit der bisherigen Erfahrungen beschreiben könnte ?
LAURA Poitras : Sicher. Ich meine, Sie wissen, die andere Gefahr, dass ich denke, dass wir als Journalisten jetzt sind die Gefahr der Vorladung, wo die Regierung Vorladungen unser Material zu versuchen, Informationen über unsere Quelle zu bekommen . Und wir wissen , dass die Regierung wurde mit der Grenze als eine Art rechtliche Niemandsland den Zugang zu Journalisten Materialien zu erhalten. Ich meine, die ich erlebt habe , dass für sechs Jahre, wo ich inhaftiert , verhört und musste Ausrüstung an der Grenze beschlagnahmt und nie gesagt , wissen Sie, aus welchem ​​Grund das geschieht. so-
Amy Goodman : Wie oft haben Sie schon angehalten worden ?
LAURA Poitras : Wissen Sie, ich habe die Regierung aufgefordert, diese Frage zu beantworten , und sie werden mir nicht sagen. Ich denke, in der Nähe von 40 oder mehr . Ich habe FOIAs stieg aus, und sobald ich eine genaue Zahl zu erhalten , werde ich sicherlich veröffentlichen. Also , ich meine, sind die Risiken der Vorladung sehr real. Und , wissen Sie , wie Sie geben , ich meine, die Tatsache, dass wir hier nicht ein Hinweis darauf, dass es keine Bedrohung . Wir wissen, es ist eine Bedrohung. Wir wissen, es ist eine Bedrohung aus , was die Regierung sagt, in Bezug auf , wie sie zu dieser Journalismus, Journalismus , die wir tun, reden . Und , ich meine, der Grund, warum wir hier sind , weil wir gehen nicht , wissen Sie, erliegen dieser Bedrohungen.
Amy Goodman : Was sind Ihre Pläne für die Vereinigten Staaten? Willst du hier bleiben werden lange? Glenn , werden Sie zurück bewegen ? Laura , werden Sie zurück bewegen ?
GLENN GREENWALD : Ich meine, ich denke , Sie wissen , ich denke, dass dieser erste Schritt , ich meine , da wir nicht wissen, was heute stattfand, haben wir nicht getan, viel langfristiges Denken , denn wir hatten keine Ahnung, was das Ergebnis wäre unserer Aussteigen sein . Aber ich denke , dass wenn wir im Flugzeug bekam heute Morgen war es eine Verpflichtung , nicht nur für dieses eine Mal wiederkommen , aber zurück zu kommen , wann immer wir wollen, das unsere Vorrecht als amerikanische Bürger ist . Und es sollen auch das Recht , nicht nur zurück zu kommen , aber wieder ohne Angst vor dieser Art von Belästigung zu kommen, haben sogar , dass unsere Denkprozess einzutreten.
Also ich weiß nicht, was Laura langfristige Pläne sind , meine ich , aber für mich , wissen Sie , ich habe ein Buch heraus im nächsten Monat, und ich möchte in der Lage , in die USA gekommen, um über die Probleme zu sprechen , die es wirft . Ich habe eine Menge von journalistischen Kollegen hier , mit denen ich arbeite. Ich möchte in der Lage , frei zu reisen, um mit ihnen zu arbeiten und die Arbeit an Geschichten in den Vereinigten Staaten und über die Dinge, die ich glaube, wir müssen darüber reden reden. Also ich denke, diese Art von kündigt weitere Besuche in den USA für mich.
LAURA Poitras : Ich meine, ich fing an, die außerhalb der Vereinigten Staaten und der Einrichtung meines bearbeiten Studio in Berlin , bevor ich wurde von Snowden kontaktiert , und wegen der Art von Targeting wiederholt , dass ich an der Grenze gehabt, und so war die Entscheidung ich vor der Arbeit an theNSA Material gemacht hatte. Und für mich ist die Entscheidung : Ich fühle mich nicht sicher, dass ich Quellenmaterial in den Vereinigten Staaten jetzt schützen. Ich meine , es ist nur , ich kann sicherlich nicht eine Grenze mit ihm oder mit meiner Ausrüstung oder alles, was ich als empfindlich. Und so ist mein Plan , um die Bearbeitung zu beenden und dann zurückkehren. Ich meine, ich absolut planen , zurückzukehren.
REPORTER: Was beunruhigt jeder von euch am meisten über die Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court?
GLENN GREENWALD : Nun, was mich beunruhigt, ist die Tatsache, dass es nicht eines der Attribute , die wir als erste Jahr Jura-Studenten beigebracht , oder sogar als amerikanische Bürger , machen ein Gericht eine tatsächliche Platz. Er arbeitet in völliger Geheimhaltung . Es gibt nur eine Seite erlaubt , gehört zu werden , was die Regierung . Und auch für eine lange Zeit in der Justizministerium untergebracht ist, der angibt, was seine eigentliche Zweck ist , die nicht auf eine externe Einrichtung ausübt Aufsicht zu sein, sondern ein Enabler von dem, was die Exekutive tun will sein soll. Und der Beweis ist in den Pudding , dass es ist schon 30 Jahre FISA Gerichtsentscheidungen und ein unendlich , beschämend geringe Zahl von Forderungen der US-Regierung auf , die Überwa wurde auch geändert haben, geschweige denn abgelehnt , von diesem Gericht . Es ist also rein fiktiv , die Idee, dass es keine wirkliche Kontrolle über das Überwachungsregime ausübt.
Amy Goodman : Was war Ihre letzte Kommunikation mit Edward Snowden ? Was ist er - was sind seine Sorgen jetzt , wo er steht und in Russland?
GLENN GREENWALD : Nun, ich meine, wissen Sie, ich glaube nicht, dass es irgendein Geheimnis, das ich mit ihm regelmäßig sprechen. Und, wissen Sie , ich fühle mich wie eine Menge von dem, was wir tun, hat Auswirkungen auf ihn, weil Dinge nur Entscheidungen, die wir machen können, einen Einfluss auf die , wie er wahrgenommen wird oder sogar, was seine Rechtsstellung ist zu haben. Also , wissen Sie , natürlich sprachen wir über unsere Pläne , wieder zu kommen , und er war sehr unterstützend dafür.
Und, wissen Sie , ich glaube, dass seine Situation in Russland ist, was es ist im Grunde in den letzten acht Monaten, die ist, dass er in einem Land , dass er nicht wählen, um in zu sein, dass er gezwungen war, in der von den Vereinten bleiben gewesen Staaten Widerruf seinen Pass und dann droht anderen Ländern , ihn nicht zu den sicheren Transport zu ermöglichen. Aber zur gleichen Zeit , dass alternative , so unvollkommen sie auch sein mag, ist sicherlich besser, die Alternative , nicht in der in Russland, die in ein Supermax -Gefängnis in den Vereinigten Staaten für die nächsten 30 Jahre die Ruhe setzen wird , wenn nicht seines Lebens. Und so , da, wie wahrscheinlich von einem Ergebnis, das war und er wusste, das war, als er seine Wahl, ich glaube, er ist sehr zufrieden mit seiner aktuellen Situation .
REPORTER: Wissen Sie, welche Art von - ob - er ist immer noch , ob er aktiv , die jetzt verfolgt? Es scheint, wie er vor kurzem gesprochen, eine Menge , spricht eine Menge mehr , wie das Geben Telepresence- Gespräche . Hat er sich sicherer fühlen ?
GLENN GREENWALD : Ich meine , wissen Sie , ich glaube, seine , ich meine , es ist wirklich Art eine außergewöhnliche Sache, die Art gewesen, unterschätzt ist die Tatsache, dass er die Wahl, vor der die Welt gehen und sagen, dass dieses Leck , dem ist größte nationale Sicherheitsleck in der amerikanischen Geschichte , die eine, die die nationale Sicherheit Amerikas Zustand wütender als jeder andere gemacht hat , " ist etwas, das ich getan habe. Und ich bin nicht nur sagen, dass ich es gemacht habe , aber ich möchte Ihnen sagen, meine Begründung dafür, warum ich es tat, und ich bin stolz darauf. " Und, wissen Sie , acht Monate später , ist er weiter weg von der Reichweite der Vereinigten Staaten , als er jemals gewesen ist. Und, wissen Sie , ich glaube, er fühlt sich nicht nur eine Pflicht, sondern eine Art von Verantwortung , die in der Debatte, die er half, auf der ganzen Welt auslösen beteiligen. Und die Tatsache, dass er in der Lage zu tun, ist einer der Gründe, warum ich glaube, es ist so wichtig , dass er nicht im Gefängnis gewesen . Ich glaube nicht, dass er jemals das Gefühl, sicher, aber ich glaube, er fühlt sich sicher genug, um heraus zu sprechen , und vor allem, weil er fühlt, wie der Fokus wird auf die Enthüllungen auf ihn persönlich und nicht bleiben .
REPORTER: Was ist die wichtigste Offenbarung, denken Sie, die von allen Unterlagen , die veröffentlicht wurden , weil Edward Snowden kam ?
GLENN GREENWALD : Für mich ist die wichtigste Offenbarung der Ehrgeiz der Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten und ihrer vier englischsprachigen Verbündeten buchstäblich Privatsphäre weltweit eliminieren , das ist nicht übertrieben . Das Ziel der Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten ist , um miteinander zu sammeln und speichern jede einzelne Form der elektronischen Kommunikation , die die Menschen haben und geben sich selbst die Fähigkeit zur Überwachung und Analyse dieser Kommunikation. Also, obwohl ich gewarnt, für eine lange Zeit darüber, dass dies eine out- of-Control- , Schurken- Überwachungsstaat , lange bevor ich überhaupt den Namen Edward Snowden gehört , in den Dokumenten sehen, dass dass nicht nur ihren Ehrgeiz , sondern etwas, das sie immer in greifbarer Nähe war , zu mir, der mit Abstand wichtigste Ziel , etwas, das ich glaube nicht, dass jemand in der Welt wusste oder verstanden . Und jede andere Offenbarung ist wirklich nur eine Teilmenge von diesem.
REPORTER: Und genau zu verfolgen , denken Sie, dass Nuklearterrorismus oder einen der Drohungen gegen die Vereinigten Staaten würden diese Art der Suche von der Welt zu rechtfertigen? Ich meine , wir wollen eine nukleare Terror zu gehen in New York?
GLENN GREENWALD : Ja, ich meine, ich tun nicht , nein, ich denke nicht, dass der Wunsch zu erkennen, was für eine kleine Anzahl von Menschen tun, rechtfertigt allgegenwärtig , Masse, suspicionless Überwachung. Und ich glaube tatsächlich, dass das System , das sagt alles sammeln, macht es tatsächlich schwieriger, die Dinge, die sie behaupten, sie zu finden , denn wenn man so viel zu sammeln , ist es wirklich unmöglich, fast auf den Boston-Marathon -Angriff oder die versuchte Detonation finden eine Bombe auf dem Times Square, einem der anderen Dinge, die der Überwachungsstaat , so allgegenwärtig wie es ist, nicht zu erkennen .
REPORTER: Die Obama-Regierung hat mehr als alle anderen Whistleblower Verwaltungen zusammen verfolgt . Was ist die Zukunft des Whistleblowing ?
GLENN GREENWALD : Wollen Sie -
LAURA Poitras : Nun, ich meine, ich glaube -ich bin nicht in zu viele Details gehen, aber ich denke, was wir sehen, ist tatsächlich mehr Menschen kommen nach vorne , wissen Sie, mehr Menschen erkennen, dass sie , dass ihr Gewissen - ist ihnen zu sagen, dass es Dinge gibt , die sie wissen sollten , dass der Öffentlichkeit zugänglich sein. Und ich kann nicht in die vielen Details zu gehen. Ich meine, eine, die , eigentlich ist berichtet worden, war eine Geschichte, Glenn hat mit Jeremy Scahill , die auf der gezielten Tötung Programm war und wie sie mit Hilfe von Metadaten , um Menschen ohne wirklich zu wissen , die Identität der Menschen zu ermorden. Und das kam , dass - Informationen wurden - das war eine Quelle, die nach vorne kamen . Also ich denke , Sie wissen, ich meine Freundin Höschen , ich denke , Sie wissen, in dieser Art von post-9/11 Zeit , ich denke, es gibt eine Menge von Menschen, die eine schwere Art von Gewissen über das, was passiert ist haben und die eine Menge von Informationen haben. Und ich denke, dass vielleicht die Gefahr, dass Snowden gefunden hat eröffnet einen Raum , wo die Menschen vielleicht das Gefühl, dass jetzt die Zeit, nach vorne zu kommen .
MIKE BURKE : Welche Tipps haben Sie für Journalisten, die in den Vereinigten Staaten über die Sicherung ihrer Daten und die Kommunikation mit den Quellen ?
LAURA Poitras : OK, so und Sie über Menschen, die wie die nationale Sicherheit Berichts tun reden ? Also, ich bin auf dem Glenn und ich sind beide im Vorstand von einer Organisation namens der Pressefreiheit Foundation. Wir haben gerade veröffentlicht einen Blog über ein Tool, genannt Tails ist , das ein Betriebssystem, das auf einem , entweder USB-Stick oder SD -Disc läuft, ist , ist, dass eine Art All-in -One- Verschlüsselungstool , das Sie für PGP und Verschlüsselungs [ verwenden können unverständlich] . Und es ist ganz einfach , es ist nur wirklich sicher. Und wir sind - wir haben nicht darüber zu sprechen für eine lange Zeit , weil wir nicht unbedingt wollen, darauf aufmerksam zu machen , so dass es zu vermeiden , angestrebt. Aber wir dachten , jetzt , würden die Geheimdienste , die Aufmerksamkeit aus , es zu sortieren würde auf ihrem Radar sein . Also, es ist wirklich , es ist ein wirklich wichtiges Werkzeug für Journalisten.
Und ich denke, es gibt große Sorgen für internationale Journalisten und ihre Kommunikation und wie sie Quellen zu schützen, und dass diese Enthüllungen ausgesetzt haben . So, zum Beispiel, Informationen, die fremde Informationen , die in die Vereinigten Staaten gereist ist wird angesaugt , und so , wie wollen Sie Ihre Quellen zu schützen ist ? Und wie Geheimdienste hinter den Kulissen Informationen austauschen ? Und die sind alle - das sind alles Dinge , die ich denke, wird weiter nach vorne zu kommen, wie mehrere Quellen nach vorne kommen und mehr Berichterstattung ist getan. Und , ja.
REPORTER: Wie fühlen Sie sich die US-Öffentlichkeit reagiert hat ? Und haben Sie das Gefühl, es ist schon eine ausreichende Menge der Reaktion der US-Öffentlichkeit ?
GLENN GREENWALD : Ich meine , ich glaube, die Zahl der Menschen in diesem Raum , 10 Monate, nachdem wir zuerst haben unsere Berichterstattung, ist ein Zeugnis dafür, wie sehr die Geschichte ist in Resonanz . Und, wissen Sie , weil ich leben außerhalb der Vereinigten Staaten , ich glaube, ich bin wahrscheinlich ein bisschen mehr Aufmerksamkeit auf , wie es international Resonanz hat , was manchmal denke ich, wird in der Debatte in den Vereinigten Staaten verloren. Aber wirklich , ich meine, buchstäblich rund um den Globus , die Menschen vis -à-vis denken nicht nur um Überwachung, sondern um die Privatsphäre des Einzelnen im digitalen Zeitalter und die Vertrauenswürdigkeit von Regierungsbeamten , die Macht in der Dunkelheit zu üben und die richtige Rolle des Journalismus die Zustand , und eine ganze Reihe von anderen Themen , einschließlich der Rolle , die die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten spielt in der Welt, in einer radikal anderen Licht , als sie vor dieser Berichterstattung hat . Und ich , wissen Sie , ich sehe die Auswirkungen , wenn ich an anderen Orten und sprechen über die Geschichte, wie viel es in Resonanz geht weiter.
Und ich weiß, ich habe das über viele Monate , viele Male gesagt, und es ist ein wenig skeptisch , als ich sagen, dass es in manchen Kreisen , aber ich sage es, weil es ist wirklich wahr : Meiner Meinung nach, die Geschichten, die sind und das wichtigste sind die schockierende und dass haben die breitesten und dauerhaftesten Auswirkungen sind diejenigen, die wir gerade arbeiten und haben noch nicht berichtet worden. Und ja, ich denke, es ist wirklich schwer zu beurteilen, während wir immer noch in der Mitte der Geschichte , das ist wirklich , wo wir sind, was die letzten Konsequenzen sein werden. Ich glaube nicht, dass wir wissen. Aber für mich , natürlich , es gibt einige Gleichgültigkeit oder einige Apathie. Es gibt einige erschöpft, Sie wissen , eine Art Zynismus. Aber im Allgemeinen, hat die Reaktion der Öffentlichkeit war , für mich selbst sprechen , nur viel größer und folgen als selbst in meinen kühnsten Träumen gedacht, ich könnte passieren , wenn ich mit der Arbeit an der Geschichte.
Amy Goodman: Edward Snowden nur davor gewarnt, dass die US-Regierung surveilling Menschenrechtsgruppen in den Vereinigten Staaten. Können Sie , jeder von euch , dies anzusprechen , was Sie darüber wissen , aus den Dokumenten , und die US nur weigern, Bundeskanzlerin Merkel geben ihr NSAfile ?
GLENN GREENWALD : Ich werde nur Nachrichten auf Demokratie brechen Nun , wie Sie wissen , nicht aber bei den Pressekonferenzen ! . Aber , nein, ich meine , wissen Sie, wie gesagt, ich meine, ich denke, einige der wichtigsten Geschichten sind links zu kommen, und es ist schwer, sie in der Vorschau , wenn sie nicht durch die journalistische Prozess und darüber zu sprechen gegangen diejenigen, die wir haben, nicht veröffentlicht. Aber offensichtlich ist Edward Snowden bewusst , was in dem Material, das er uns gegeben hat. Und so, wenn er beschreibt, was der Überwachungsstaat tut , ich denke, es sollte als recht zuverlässig , da alles, was er dazu gesagt hat bewiesen, um wahr zu sein . Und ich glaube, diesen Willen , als auch, ohne Art von Gespräch über die Berichterstattung , die wir tun.
LAURA Poitras : Ich meine, die in Deutschland arbeiten , ich meine, wie wir alle wissen , die Geschichte der Stasi in Deutschland macht dieses Land sehr, sehr empfindlich auf diese Arten von Verletzungen der Privatsphäre und sehr bewusst ihre korrosiven und schädlichen Auswirkungen , wenn Sie haben die Regierungen , die ihre eigene Bevölkerung zu überblicken . Und ja, haben Sie das, und dann bist du auch den Ausgleich der Art globaler Politik der Verbündeten und wie ich meine, die Regierung gibt , denke ich, ist tief , tief , tief besorgt über die Spionage , die dort passiert ist , und sie 're versuchen , wissen Sie , wirklich, ich denke , dass zu untersuchen . Und ich denke auch, dass , obwohl, es gibt eine Menge Dinge , in denen der BND mit der NSA zusammen. Und ja, ich denke, es ist zu früh zu sagen, was los ist, es passiert.
SAM ALCOFF : Ein großer Teil der Fokus auf die Regierung und theNSA gewesen .

"This Award is for Snowden"

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"This Award is for Snowden"

Not much time to introduce this, but today the Pulitzer went to the Guardian and the Washington Post for their role in the same story.  We just wanted to get this to you as soon as possible.

Other things are going on as all of East Ukraine is revolting against Kiev.  More on other matters when the dust settles.  For sure, the Kiev government is doing its best to clog up social media with its own plea for support.  Another point: remember early on the shot of a pretty young girl asking for help for Ukraine?  Well, it turns out it was produced.  When exposed as a fake, they also ran a take from "Wag the Dog" of the girl with a white kitten, in case you remember that movie. 



MONDAY, APRIL 14, 2014

"This Award is for Snowden": Greenwald, Poitras Accept Polk Honor for Exposing NSA Surveillance

In their first return to the United States since exposing the National Security Agency’s mass surveillance operations, journalists Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras were honored in New York City on Friday with the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting. Over the past 10 months, Poitras and Greenwald have played key roles in reporting the massive trove of documents leaked by Edward Snowden. They were joined by colleagues Ewen MacAskill of The Guardian and Barton Gellman of The Washington Post, with whom they shared the award. In their acceptance speeches, Poitras and Greenwald paid tribute to their source. "Each one of these awards just provides further vindication that what [Snowden] did in coming forward was absolutely the right thing to do and merits gratitude, and not indictments and decades in prison," Greenwald said. "None of us would be here … without the fact that someone decided to sacrifice their life to make this information available," Poitras said. "And so this award is really for Edward Snowden."

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Ten months ago, Laura Poitras and Glenn Greenwald flew from New York to Hong Kong to meet National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden. Since then, they’ve published a trove of stories exposing the NSA and the national surveillance state. Poitras and Greenwald did not return to the United States until this past Friday, when they flew from Berlin to New York to accept the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting. They flew in not knowing if they would be detained or subpoenaed by the U.S. government. In January, the director of national intelligence, James Clapper, described journalists working on the NSA story as Snowden’s, quote, "accomplices." In February, Republican Congressmember Mike Rogers, chair of the House Intelligence Committee, accused Glenn Greenwald of selling stolen goods by reporting stories on the NSA documents. Greenwald and Poitras were accompanied on their trip by an ACLU attorney, a German reporter and Glenn Greenwald’s partner, David Miranda. Last year, Miranda was detained for nine hours at London’s Heathrow Airport under an anti-terrorism law.
At the George Polk Awards ceremony in New York City Friday, Poitras and Greenwald were joined by their colleagues, Ewen MacAskill of The Guardian and Barton Gellman of The Washington Post, who shared the award with them. This is Laura Poitras, followed by Glenn Greenwald, in their acceptance speeches.
LAURA POITRAS: So, I’m really incredibly honored to be here and thankful to the Polk committee for giving me a really good excuse to come home. This is the first time I’ve been home since I boarded a plane with Glenn and Ewen to go to Hong Kong, and so it’s really spectacular to be here. And it’s also quite disorienting. Last May, you know, the field, what we looked at, was a lot of uncertainty, risk, concern for everyone, and so it’s really extraordinary to be here and receive this award. But I think that it’s important also that we remember that when we actually do this reporting, the enormous risks that journalists take on and especially that sources take on, and in the case of Snowden, putting his life on the line, literally, to share this information to the public, not just the American public, but to the public internationally.
And we—I want to say something about working with Glenn and Ewen. People—you don’t really know how people will respond to risk, until you’re confronted with it. You know, you hope that you’ll stand up and that you’ll have each other’s back, and that those will be the people who will protect you and get you home safely. And I just want to say that this award would not be possible without their courage and bravery and fierce reporting every step of the way. And we were, as Ewen said, untested working together. We had each had our areas of expertise, but we got on the plane having never worked together and did something and worked together in a way that was really extraordinary, and I’ll forever be bound to them.
None of us would be here—Bart, Ewen, Glenn, The Washington Post,The Guardian, The New York Times, all the people who are being offered these awards—without the fact that someone decided to sacrifice their life to make this information available. He’s not the first person who’s sacrificed their life, but he came forward with information that allows us to know what’s actually happening. And so this award is really for Edward Snowden. Thank you.
GLENN GREENWALD: First of all, thank you so much to the Polk committee and Long Island University for this award. The reporting that we’ve done has received a lot of support and a lot of praise and the like, but it’s also received some very intense criticism, primarily in the United States and the U.K. And so, to be honored and recognized by our journalistic colleagues this way—speaking for myself, at least—means a great deal. I’m also really honored to be able to share the award with the people that I call my journalistic colleagues, who are on stage here with me, the people that James Clapper calls "accomplices." You know, it really is true that the story could not have been told without numerous people, committed to telling it, involved every step of the way.
And I’m finally really happy to see a table full of Guardian editors and journalists whose role in this story was much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes. I mean, I think it’s easy to look back now and think this is so obviously such an incredibly important journalistic story and to think that any editor or newspaper would simply dive right in and want to aggressively tell the story, but it really wasn’t true. Back in those early days of Hong Kong, there were all kinds of very grave question marks hanging over the source, the material, the legal liability, the political reaction. And I’m so happy that I was part of an institution at The Guardian staffed with incredibly intrepid editors and reporters. Ewen named a few of them—many of them, but certainly leading the list is Janine Gibson and Stuart Millar and Alan Rusbridger, who really never flinched in not only allowing us, but pushing us and encouraging us to pursue the story as fearlessly and aggressively as possible. And I really believe that the reporting could not have happened, the way that at least I thought that it should happen, had it not been for The Guardian. So I certainly consider them an integral part of this award.
Just one final point, which is that when we were in Hong Kong, we actually spent, obviously, a great deal of time talking about surveillance policies and the documents and the like, but we also spent at least as much time, if not more so, talking about issues of media and journalism. And in part, that was because we knew that how the media treated this story would be a major part of how—of what the impact was; in part, we knew that it was because the debate that we hoped to trigger was not just one about surveillance, but about the proper role of journalism and the relationship between the media and the government or other factions that wield great power. But we also knew that we were doing this reporting in the context of what already was some pretty grave threats to the news-gathering process, in terms of the unprecedented attacks on whistleblowers by the Obama administration, as well as the controversy that had happened literally weeks before we began publishing, which was the trolling through AP and phone—emails and phone records of AP reporters and editors, and then formally declaring James Rosen of Fox News a, quote, "co-conspirator" for having done what journalists do every single day, which is work with their source to gather information that the public should know. And I think it’s important to recognize how intensified those threats became over the last nine or 10 months.
There are ways to intimidate journalists. You can imprison them en masse, but there are other ways to do it. And calling journalists working on stories "accomplices," or having powerful chairmen of committees specifically accuse journalists of being criminals and advocating for their prosecution, or having major media figures openly debate whether we ought to be prosecuted is a way to intensify that climate of fear, as is detaining my partner or marching into The Guardian's newsroom and forcing them to destroy those laptops. And I think, ultimately, the only way to deal with those kind of threats is to just do the reporting as aggressively, if not more so, than you would have absent those threats. And I feel like all of the journalists involved in this story have done that, and I'm really proud to have worked with so many who did.
And then, finally, you know, I think journalism in general is impossible without brave sources. I know our journalism, in particular, would have been impossible without the incredible courage of Edward Snowden. And it’s really remarkable that the reporting that we’ve done has won all sorts of awards, not just in the United States, but around the world, and he, in particular, has received immense support, incredible amounts of praise from countries all over the world and all sorts of awards, and the fact that for the act of bringing to the world’s attention this system of mass surveillance that had been constructed in the dark, he’s now threatened with literally decades in prison, probably the rest of his life, as a result of what the United States government is doing, I think, is really odious and unacceptable. And I hope that, as journalists, we realize how important it is not only to defend our own rights, but also those of our sources like Edward Snowden. And I think each one of these awards just provides further vindication that what he did in coming forward was absolutely the right thing to do and merits gratitude, and not indictments and decades in prison. Thanks very much.
AMY GOODMAN: Journalists Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras, giving their acceptance speeches at the George Polk Awards ceremony in New York on Friday—the George Polk Awards, among the most prestigious in journalism. When we come back, we’ll air excerpts of the news conference after the ceremony. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Back in a minute.
MONDAY, APRIL 14, 2014

"We Won’t Succumb to Threats": Journalists Return to U.S. for First Time Since Revealing NSA Spying

Ten months ago, Laura Poitras and Glenn Greenwald flew from New York to Hong Kong to meet National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden. Poitras and Greenwald did not return to the United States until this past Friday, when they flew from Berlin to New York to accept the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting. They arrived not knowing if they would be detained or subpoenaed after Director of National Intelligence James Clapper described journalists working on theNSA story as Snowden’s "accomplices." At a news conference following the George Polk Award ceremony, Poitras and Greenwald took questions from reporters about their reporting and the government intimidation it has sparked.

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: Music from the album The Celestial Green Monster by Fred Ho, the baritone saxophonist, composer, bandleader, writer and activist. Ho passed away Saturday after a long battle with cancer. He was 56 years old. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.
After winning the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting on Friday in New York, journalists Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras held a news conference along with Guardian reporter Ewen MacAskill. The three of them were the reportersNSA whistleblower Edward Snowden met with last June in Hong Kong. Poitras and Greenwald flew in from Berlin for the ceremony, arriving midway. The reporters in the room did not know what would happen. Democracy Now! attended the news conference after the ceremony. Greenwald and Poitras began by responding to a question about whether they were worried about getting detained or arrested entering the United States Friday for the first time since they started working on the NSA story.
GLENN GREENWALD: We weren’t so worried that we weren’t willing to get on the plane. I mean, if we were really worried, we wouldn’t have come. There was no need for us to come. But we knew, certainly, that it was a risk.
I mean, I think the important thing to realize about this is that American national security officials and other officials in the government have deliberately created an environment where they wanted us to think there was a risk. They have very deliberately and publicly suggested that the journalism we were doing was a crime. They have advocated that we be arrested. They have had their favorite media figures openly speculate about the possibility that we would be. They detained my partner for nine hours. They announced that there was a terrorism investigation pending in the U.K., and they refused to give my lawyers any information at all about whether there was a grand jury investigation, whether there was an indictment under seal—very unusual behavior when dealing with these lawyers, in particular, who say that they can always get at least something.
So they wanted us to have this kind of uncertainty about whether or not they would take action upon our return to the U.S. That’s very clear. And it’s easy, I guess, to say it doesn’t seem likely that it will happen, but when those threats are being directed at you, you take them seriously. And so we did, but then, obviously, assessed that the risk was low enough, mostly because we didn’t think that they would be so counterproductive or self-destructive to do it, and were willing, therefore, to get on a plane and come back.
REPORTER: And those conversations about the indictment, how long—or if there was an indictment or grand jury out, how long did those conversations go on?
GLENN GREENWALD: We’ve been trying to get information from the government about whether or not we could safely return to the U.S. for at least four to five months. And originally, the government said that they were willing to have conversations about what that might entail, and then, ultimately, I guess, decided that they weren’t willing to have those conversations, because they just stopped returning calls and stopped giving any information. And so, they just expressly refused to say whether or not there were—whether there was a pending indictment under seal or whether or not we were the targets of a grand jury investigation.
AMY GOODMAN: Your trip isn’t over. It doesn’t just have to happen at the airport. What are you concerned about, for both Glenn and Laura? And, Laura, if you could describe how your experience coming through the airport today compared with your previous experiences?
LAURA POITRAS: Sure. I mean, you know, the other risk that I think that we face as journalists right now are the risk of subpoena, where the government subpoenas our material to try to get information about our source. And we know that the government has been using the border as a sort of legal no man’s land to get access to journalists’ materials. I mean, I’ve experienced that for six years, where I’ve been detained, interrogated and had equipment seized at the border, and never told, you know, for what reason that’s happening. So—
AMY GOODMAN: How many times have you been stopped?
LAURA POITRAS: You know, I’ve asked the government to answer that question, and they won’t tell me. I think close to 40 or more. I’ve got FOIAs out, and soon as I can get a precise count, I’ll certainly publish it. So, I mean, the risks of subpoena are very real. And as—you know, as you indicate, I mean, the fact that we’re here is not an indication that there isn’t a threat. We know there’s a threat. We know there’s a threat from what the government is saying in terms how they’re talking about this journalism, the journalism that we’re doing. And, I mean, the reason we’re here is because we’re not going to, you know, succumb to those threats.
AMY GOODMAN: What are your plans for the United States? Will you be staying here long? Glenn, will you be moving back? Laura, will you be moving back?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, I think—you know, I think that this first step—I mean, since we didn’t know what today held, we haven’t been doing a lot of long-term thinking, because we had no idea what the outcome would be of our deplaning. But I think that once we got on the airplane this morning, it was a commitment not just to come back for this one time, but to come back whenever we want, which is our prerogative as American citizens. And it ought to be our right, not just to come back, but to come back without fear of that kind of harassment, to even have that enter our thought process.
So I don’t know what Laura’s long-term plans are, I mean, but for me, you know, I have a book coming out next month, and I want to be able to come to the U.S. to talk about the issues that it raises. I have a lot of journalistic colleagues here with whom I’m working. I want to be able to freely travel to work with them and work on stories in the United States and to talk about the things I think we need to be talking about. So I do think this sort of presages more visits to the U.S. for me.
LAURA POITRAS: I mean, I started working outside of the United States and setting up my edit studio in Berlin before I was contacted by Snowden, and because of the sort of repeated targeting that I had at the border, and so this was the decision I had made before working on theNSA material. And for me, the decision is: I don’t feel confident I can protect source material in the United States right now. I mean, it’s just—I certainly can’t cross a border with it or with my equipment or anything that I consider to be sensitive. And so, my plan is to finish editing and then return. I mean, I absolutely plan to return.
REPORTER: What worries each of you the most about the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, what worries me is the fact that it doesn’t have any of the attributes that we’re taught as first-year law students, or even as American citizens, make a court an actual court. It operates in complete secrecy. There’s only one side allowed to be heard, which is the government. And it even for a long time was housed in the Justice Department, indicating what its real purpose is, which is not to be an outside body exerting oversight, but to be an enabler of what the executive branch wants to do. And the proof is in the pudding, in that there’s been 30 years of FISA court decisions and an infinitesimal, humiliatingly small number of demands by the U.S. government to surveil that have been even modified, let alone rejected, by that court. So it’s purely fictitious, the idea that it exerts any real oversight over the surveillance regime.
AMY GOODMAN: What has been your latest communication with Edward Snowden? What is he—what are his concerns now and where he stands in Russia?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, I mean, you know, I don’t think it’s any secret that I talk to him regularly. And, you know, I feel like a lot of what we do has an impact on him, because things—just choices that we make can have an influence on how he’s perceived or even what his legal situation is. So, you know, we certainly talked about our plans to come back, and he was very supportive of that.
And, you know, I think that his situation in Russia is what it’s basically been for the last eight months, which is that he’s in a country that he didn’t choose to be in, that he was forced to remain in by the United States revoking his passport and then threatening other countries not to allow him safe transit. But at the same time, that alternative, as imperfect as it might be, is certainly preferable to the alternative of not being in Russia, which is being put into a supermax prison in the United States for the next 30 years, if not the rest of his life. And so, given how likely of an outcome that was, and he knew that was when he made his choice, I think he’s very happy with his current situation.
REPORTER: Do you know what kind of—whether he’s still—whether he’s actively being pursued now? It seems like recently he’s been speaking a lot, speaking out a lot more, like giving telepresence talks. Does he feel safer?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, you know, I think his—I mean, it’s really kind of an extraordinary thing that’s sort of been underappreciated, the fact that he made the choice to go before the world and say that this leak, which is the largest national security leak in American history, the one that has made the American national security state angrier than any other, "is something that I did. And I’m not only saying that I did it, but I want to tell you my rationale for why I did it, and I’m proud of it." And, you know, eight months later, he is further away from the grasp of the United States than he has ever been. And, you know, I think that he feels not just a duty, but a sort of a responsibility, to participate in the debate that he helped to trigger around the world. And the fact that he’s able to do that is one of the reasons why I think it’s so important that he hasn’t been in prison. I don’t think he’s ever going to feel safe, but I think he feels confident enough to be speaking out, and especially because he feels like the focus will remain on the revelations and not on him personally.
REPORTER: What’s the most important revelation, do you think, that came from all the documents that were released because of Edward Snowden?
GLENN GREENWALD: For me, the most significant revelation is the ambition of the United States government and its four English-speaking allies to literally eliminate privacy worldwide, which is not hyperbole. The goal of the United States government is to collect and store every single form of electronic communication that human beings have with one another and give themselves the capacity to monitor and analyze those communications. So, even though I’ve been warning for a long time about this being an out-of-control, rogue surveillance state, long before I ever heard the name Edward Snowden, to see in the documents that that not only is their ambition, but something that they’re increasingly close to achieving, was, to me, by far the most significant goal, something that I don’t think anyone in the world knew or understood. And every other revelation is really just a subset of that one.
REPORTER: And just to follow up, do you think that nuclear terrorism or any of the threats against the United States would justify that kind of searching of the world? I mean, would we want a nuclear terrorist to go off in New York?
GLENN GREENWALD: Yeah, I mean, I don’t—no, I don’t think that the desire to detect what a small number of people are doing justifies ubiquitous, mass, suspicionless surveillance. And I actually think that the system that says collect everything makes it actually harder to find the things that they claim they’re looking for, because when you collect so much, it’s really impossible almost to find the Boston Marathon attack or the attempted detonation of a bomb in Times Square, any of the other things that the surveillance state, as ubiquitous as it is, failed to detect.
REPORTER: The Obama administration has prosecuted more whistleblowers than all other administrations combined. What is the future of whistleblowing?
GLENN GREENWALD: Do you want to—
LAURA POITRAS: Well, I mean, I think—I’m not going to go into too many details, but I think what we’re seeing is actually more people coming forward, you know, more people realizing that they—that their conscience is telling them that there are things that they know of that should be public. And I can’t go into lots of details. I mean, one that is—actually has been reported was a story that Glenn did with Jeremy Scahill, which was on the targeted killing program and how they’re using metadata to assassinate people without actually knowing the identities of the people. And that came—that information was—that was a source that came forward. So I think, you know, we’re—I mean, I think, you know, in this sort of post-9/11 era, I think there are a lot of people who have sort of a heavy conscience over what has happened and who have a lot of information. And I think that maybe the risk that Snowden has taken opens up a space where people will maybe feel that now is the time to come forward.
MIKE BURKE: What tips do you have for journalists working in the United States regarding securing their data and communications with sources?
LAURA POITRAS: OK, so—and you’re talking about people who are doing like national security reporting? So, I’m on—Glenn and I are both on the board of an organization called the Freedom of the Press Foundation. We just published a blog about a tool that’s called Tails, which is a operating system that runs on a—either USB stick or SD disc, that is a sort of all-in-one encryption tool that you can use for PGP and encryption [inaudible]. And it’s just quite—it’s just really secure. And we are—we didn’t talk about it for a long time, because we didn’t necessarily want to draw attention to it, so that it would be—avoid being targeted. But we figured, by now, the intelligence agencies who are paying attention would sort of—it would be on their radar. So, it’s actually—it’s a really important tool for journalists.
And I think there are huge concerns for international journalists and their communications and how they protect sources, and that these revelations have exposed. So, for instance, information that’s foreign information that’s transited to the United States gets sucked up, and so how are you going to protect your sources? And how do intelligence agencies behind the scenes share information? And those are all the—these are all things that I think will continue to come forward as more sources come forward and more reporting is done. And, yeah.
REPORTER: How do you feel the U.S. public has reacted? And do you feel like there’s been a sufficient amount of reaction from the U.S. public?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, I think the number of people in this room, 10 months after we first did our reporting, is a testament to how much the story has resonated. And, you know, because I live outside the United States, I think I’m probably a little bit more attentive to how it has resonated internationally, which sometimes I think gets lost in the debate in the United States. But really, I mean, literally around the globe, people think not only about surveillance, but about individual privacy in a digital age and the trustworthiness of government officials to exercise power in the dark and the proper role of journalism vis-à-vis the state, and a whole variety of other topics, including the role that the United States government is playing in the world, in a radically different light than they did prior to this reporting. And I—you know, I see the impact when I go other places and talk about the story, how much it continues to resonate.
And I know I’ve said this before over many months, many times, and there’s a little bit of skepticism when I say it in some circles, but I say it because it really is true: In my opinion, the stories that are the most significant and that are the most shocking and that will have the broadest and most enduring implications are the ones that we’re currently working on and have not yet been reported. And so, I think it’s really hard to assess while we’re still in the middle of the story, which is really where we are, what the ultimate consequences will be. I don’t think we know. But, for me, of course, there’s some indifference or some apathy. There’s some jaded, you know, sort of cynicism. But in general, the public reaction has been, speaking for myself, just vastly larger and more consequential than even in my wildest dreams I imagined could happen when I started working on the story.
AMY GOODMAN: Edward Snowden just warned that the U.S. government is surveilling human rights groups in the United States. Can you, any of you, address this, what you know about this, from the documents, and to U.S. just refusing to give Chancellor Merkel her NSAfile?
GLENN GREENWALD: I’ll only break news on Democracy Now!, as you know, but not at press conferences. But, no, I mean, you know, as I said, I mean, I think some of the most significant stories are left to come, and it’s hard to preview them when they haven’t gone through the journalistic process and to talk about ones that we haven’t published. But obviously, Edward Snowden is aware of what’s in the material that he gave us. And so, when he describes what the surveillance state is doing, I think it should be deemed pretty reliable, since everything else that he said about that has proven to be true. And I believe that will, as well, without sort of talking about the reporting that we’re doing.
LAURA POITRAS: I mean, working in Germany, I mean, as we all know, the history of the Stasi in Germany makes this country very, very sensitive to these kinds of invasions of privacy and very aware of their corrosive and pernicious effects when you have governments that surveil their own populations. And so, you have that, and then you’re also balancing the sort of global politics of allies and how—I mean, the government there, I think, is deeply, deeply, deeply concerned about the spying that’s happening there, and they’re trying to, you know, really, I think, investigate that. And I also think, though, there are a lot of things in which the BND is working with the NSA. And so, I think it’s too soon to say what’s going to happen there.
SAM ALCOFF: A lot of the focus has been on the government and theNSA. Would Booz Allen Hamilton, as private clients—is there any reason to believe that they shared any of the vast troves of information they had with private clients?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, it’s—you know, I think it’s hard for us to talk about things that we haven’t actually reported, because it just wouldn’t be a meaningful way to talk about it, because the reporting that we do—oftentimes you read a document, and you think you know the meaning of it, and then you go and do your research and read other documents and consult with experts, and it turns out that the understanding that you had of it originally isn’t the accurate understanding. So I try really hard not just to spout off about things that we haven’t gone through the process of reporting.
Having said that, I will just say that in general the—there almost is no division between the private sector and the NSA, or the private sector and the Pentagon, when it comes to the American national security state. They really are essentially one. And so, to talk about whether or not there are protections on how Booz Allen uses the material versus how the NSA uses it almost assumes, falsely, that there is this really strict separation. They call each other partners because that’s what they are. And they’re indispensable in every way to the national security state, which is why Edward Snowden had access to all these materials, not as an NSA employee, but as a Booz Allen employee.
REPORTER: Any regrets on what you’ve done so far?
GLENN GREENWALD: No, I have none at all. I doubt they do, either. But—
REPORTER: What are your hopes for actual reform in—U.S. surveillance reform, in general?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, speaking for myself, I would like to see the debate be about not whether the U.S. should be collecting metadata under a specific provision of the PATRIOT Act, 215, but the broader question of whether or not we want to empower the government to monitor and surveil people who are suspected of absolutely no wrongdoing whatsoever, essentially to engage in mass surveillance. Is that really a proper function of the state? And even beyond just domestically, why should one government, in particular, turn the Internet from what it was intended to be, and its greatest promise, which is a tool of freedom and human exploration and liberation, into the most oppressive tool of human control and surveillance ever known in history?
And so, I don’t think anybody thinks that there’s no legitimate form of surveillance. I think that it’s perfectly legitimate for the government to surveil people about whom there’s evidence, real evidence, to believe and convince a court to believe that they’re engaged in actual wrongdoing, a targeted surveillance of people for whom there’s probable cause or some similar standard. But mass surveillance, suspicionless surveillance, of our private communications, I think, is without any justification whatsoever. And I think the national security state ought to be reined in and converted from a system of mass surveillance into one of targeted surveillance.
REPORTER: Have you yet seen any evidence that other countries have regarded these revelations as "we better up our game"?
GLENN GREENWALD: No. Actually, I think that’s an interesting point, as a matter of fact, is I don’t think any countries—you know, I can’t talk to closed societies like China. I don’t know what, you know, their reactions have been. But I think open governments, open countries, their reaction has not been, "Let’s pull our resources to match and replicate the capabilities of the United States." Instead—it is, instead, "Let’s figure out how to defend ourselves from what essentially is this digital invasion of the privacy of our citizens and our elected leaders." And I know in Brazil, for example, and in Germany, the two countries that probably have been the most affected by the revelations and where the reaction has been most intense, there has been very serious debate and resources devoted to figuring out how to build defenses to protect the sanctity of the privacy of their communications.
AMY GOODMAN: Quickly, your—President Obama renewing the bulk phone record data collection despite calling for some reforms, your response to it?
GLENN GREENWALD: I mean, you know, I think that it’s—you know, President Obama likes to parade around as some sort of, you know, King Solomon figure in between the excesses of the NSA and those who are raising concerns about it, and trying to balance it and come up with some reasonable centrist approach. I mean, that’s generally his political brand. The reality is, is that he’s presided over this out-of-control system for five years and has never expressed a single inclination to rein it in in any way. So the fact that he’s continuing it for as long as he can, I think, is the opposite of surprising. I mean, he is an advocate of this system over which he presided for so many years. I mean, I think he’s one of the obstacles to reform, not a vehicle for it.
AMY GOODMAN: Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras, speaking at a news conference on Friday after winning the George Polk Awards—the ceremony took place in New York—for their reporting on Edward Snowden and the National Security Agency. They flew in from Berlin that day. They came in in the midst of the ceremony, not knowing if they would be detained or subpoenaed by the U.S. government when they entered the country. They won the George Polk Award along with Ewen MacAskill of The Guardian and Barton Gellman of The Washington Post. The Pulitzer Prize will be announced today. Greenwald and Poitras recently launched The Intercept along with Jeremy Scahill. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org,The War and Peace Report.
 Stay with us.

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Ukraine and Russia

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Ukraine and Russia

Our educational system is admittedly horrible to the extent that we rank something like 26 or 46 in industrialized countries, but it has never been so clear as recently as the Corporate media here has indoctrinated even those with whom we are familiar and among those who have already had their "consciousness raised."  Recently we had asked what the point was to repeatedly point to hypocrisy and veniality in our "capitalist" system as it seems so obvious to all except those who WILL NOT SEE, and the reply was to "raise consciousness."  This seemed worthwhile to me and, certainly, healthy debate on a subject is worthwhile, but it is often necessary to repeat the basic axiom of intellectual discourse:  You are entitled to your own opinions, but not your own facts.  One does not simply construct facts to support ones conclusions (in sane circles, at any rate). 

A basic problem of discussion recently is the ignorance of even the enlightened as to some basic facts of Eurasian history, especially as relates to Russian and Ukraine today, let alone the past 900 years or so.  It is best to start small, so we confine ourselves to the past six months or so here, other than to point out that Russia has always been surrounded by its enemies, and we have been increasing that fact, while the United States enjoys a position with two Oceans separating it from any enemies (except Mexico for a short period of time and its own south, perhaps even today). 

We will now cease the introduction with one more fact: the Tartars, for whom we pretended great sympathy are descendents of Genghis Khan who had invaded.  Today, on the whole, they are quite happy to be included in the Russian Federation, whether it fits our own biases or not.

And finally, what does it say when someone who simply points out facts is considered a "Putin Apologist"?  For one thing, Putin is not in the habit of apologizing,  For another, all it can possible mean in sane circles is that the facts support an interpretation not shared by our corporate media.

Here is an interview with perhaps the only sane commentator that has appeared on any media to discuss the situation:



THURSDAY, APRIL 17, 2014

"We Are Not Beginning a New Cold War, We are Well into It": Stephen Cohen on Russia-Ukraine Crisis

As negotiations over the crisis in Ukraine begin in Geneva, tension is rising in the Ukrainian east after security forces killed three pro-Russian protesters, wounded 13 and took 63 captive in the city of Mariupol. Ukrainian officials said the pro-Russian separatists had attempted to storm a military base. The killings came just after the unraveling of a Ukrainian operation to retake government buildings from pro-Russian separatists. Earlier today, Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the authorities in Kiev of plunging the country into an "abyss" and refused to rule out sending forces into Ukraine. Meanwhile, NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has announced a series of steps to reinforce its presence in eastern Europe. "We will have more planes in the air, more ships on the water and more readiness on the land," Rasmussen said. We are joined by Stephen Cohen, professor emeritus of Russian studies and politics at New York University and Princeton University. "We are not at the beginning of a new Cold War, we are well into it," Cohen says, "which alerts us to the fact 'hot war' is imaginable now. It’s unlikely, but it’s conceivable — and if it’s conceivable, something has to be done about it."

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: As negotiations over the crisis in Ukraine begin in Geneva, tension is rising in eastern Ukraine after security forces killed three pro-Russian separatists, wounded 13 and took 63 captive in the city of Mariupol. Ukrainian officials said the pro-Russians had attempted to storm a military base. The fighting comes just after the collapse of a Ukrainian operation to retake government buildings in several eastern towns. On Wednesday, pro-Russian separatists took control of some of their armored vehicles, and crowds surrounded another column, forcing the troops to hand over the pins from their rifles and retreat. Earlier today, Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the authorities in Kiev of plunging the country into an "abyss."
PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN: [translated] People in eastern Ukraine have started to arm themselves. And instead of realizing that something bad is going on in the Ukrainian state and making any attempts to start a dialogue, the authorities have started to threaten with force even more and unleash tanks and aviation on civilian populations. This is another grave crime of the current Kiev authorities. I hope it will be possible to realize which hole and which abyss the current authorities are moving towards and dragging the whole country with them. And in this regard, I think the start of today’s talks in Geneva is very important. I think it is very important today to think about how to get out of this situation, to offer people a real—not ostentatious, but real—dialogue.
AMY GOODMAN: Russian President Vladimir Putin speaking on Russian television earlier today. On Wednesday, NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen announced a series of steps to reinforce its forces in eastern Europe because of the Ukraine crisis.
SECRETARY GENERAL ANDERS FOGH RASMUSSEN: We will have more planes in the air, more ships on the water and more readiness on the land. For example, air policing aircraft will fly more sorties over the Baltic region. Allied ships will deploy to the Baltic Sea, the eastern Mediterranean, and elsewhere as required.
AMY GOODMAN: To talk more about Ukraine, Stephen Cohen is with us, professor emeritus of Russian studies and politics at New York University and Princeton University; his most recent book, Soviet Fates and Lost Alternatives: From Stalinism to the New Cold War, out now in paperback. He recently wrote a piece for The Nationheadlined "Cold War Again: Who is Responsible?"
Are we seeing the beginning of a new Cold War, Professor Cohen? And what exactly is happening right now in Ukraine?
STEPHEN COHEN: Those are big questions. We are not at the beginning of the Cold War, a new one; we are well into it—which alerts us to the fact, just watching what you showed up there, that hot war is imaginable now, for the first time in my lifetime, my adult lifetime, since the Cuban missile crisis, hot war with Russia. It’s unlikely, but it’s conceivable. And if it’s conceivable, something has to be done about it.
You did two things on your introduction which were very important. Almost alone among American media, you actually allowed Putin to speak for himself. He’s being filtered through the interpretation of the mass media here, allegedly, what he said, and it’s not representative. The second thing is, let us look just what’s happening at this moment, or at least yesterday. The political head of NATO just announced a major escalation of NATO forces in Europe. He did a Churchillian riff: "We will increase our power in the air, in the sea, on the land." Meanwhile, as negotiations today begin in Geneva, we’re demanding that Russians de-escalate. And yet, we,NATO, are escalating as these negotiations begin.
So, if you were to say what is going on in Ukraine today—and, unfortunately, the focus is entirely on eastern Ukraine. We don’t have any Western media—in eastern Ukraine. We don’t have any Western—any Western media in western Ukraine, the other half of the country. We’re not clear what’s going on there. But clearly, things are getting worse and worse. Each side has a story that totally conflicts with the other side’s story. There seems to be no middle ground. And if there’s no middle ground in the public discourse, in the Russian media or the American media, it’s not clear what middle ground they can find in these negotiations, though personally, I think—and people will say, "Oh, Cohen’s a Putin apologist"—but it seemed to me that the proposals the Russians made a month ago for resolving the conflict are at least a good starting point. But it’s not clear the United States is going to accept them.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Stephen Cohen, it was just a few weeks ago when we had you on, as the crisis was beginning to unfold in Ukraine, and a lot of what you said then turned out to be true, which was that you feared that there would be a split in Ukraine itself between the east and west. And obviously Crimea was just developing then. But it seems that all of the emphasis in the coverage here is as if the crisis started with Russian aggression, not with the earlier period of what was NATO and Europe’s involvement in Ukraine before the deposing of the elected president.
STEPHEN COHEN: Well, I think you’ve emphasized the absolute flaw in at least the American—because I don’t follow the European press that closely—the American media and political narrative. As a historian, I would say that this conflict began 300 years ago, but we can’t do that. As a contemporary observer, it certainly began in November 2013 when the European Union issued an ultimatum, really, to the then-president, elected president, of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, that "Sign an agreement with us, but you can’t have one with Russia, too." In my mind, that precipitated this crisis, because why give a country that has been profoundly divided for centuries, and certainly in recent decades, an ultimatum—an elected president: "Choose, and divide your country further"? So when we say today Putin initiated this chaos, this danger of war, this confrontation, the answer is, no, that narrative is wrong from the beginning. It was triggered by the European Union’s unwise ultimatum.
Now flash forward to just one month ago, about the time I was with you before. Remember that the European foreign ministers—three of them, I think—went to Kiev and negotiated with Yanukovych, who was still the president, an agreement. Now, the Russians were present at the negotiation, but they didn’t sign it. But they signed off on it. They said, "OK." What did that agreement call for? Yanukovych would remain president until December—not May, when elections are now scheduled, but December of this year. Then there would be a presidential election. He could run in them, or not. Meanwhile, there would be a kind of government of national accord trying to pull the government together. And, importantly, Russia would chip in, in trying to save the Ukrainian economy. But there would also be parliamentary elections. That made a lot of sense. And it lasted six hours.
The next day, the street, which was now a mob—let’s—it was no longer peaceful protesters as it had been in November. It now becomes something else, controlled by very ultra-nationalist forces; overthrew Yanukovych, who fled to Russia; burned up the agreement. So who initiated the next stage of the crisis? It wasn’t Russia. They wanted that agreement of February, a month ago, to hold. And they’re still saying, "Why don’t we go back to it?" You can’t go back to it, though there is a report this morning that Yanukovych, who is in exile in Russia, may fly to eastern Ukraine today or tomorrow, which will be a whole new dimension.
But the point of it is, is that Putin didn’t want—and this is reality, this is not pro-Putin or pro-Washington, this is just a fact—Putin did not want this crisis. He didn’t initiate it. But with Putin, once you get something like that, you get Mr. Pushback. And that’s what you’re now seeing. And the reality is, as even the Americans admit, he holds all the good options. We have none. That’s not good policymaking, is it?
AMY GOODMAN: Let’s turn to President Obama. Thursday, he was interviewed byCBS News by Major Garrett.
MAJOR GARRETT: Is Vladimir Putin provoking a civil war there? And will you and Western leaders let him to get away with that?
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: I think that what is absolutely clear is not only have Russians gone into Crimea and annexed it, in illegal fashion, violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, but what they’ve also done is supported, at minimum, nonstate militias in southern and eastern Ukraine. And we’ve seen some of the activity that’s been taking place there.
AMY GOODMAN: Professor Cohen?
STEPHEN COHEN: You left out one thing that he said which I consider to be unwise and possibly reckless. He went on to say that Russia wouldn’t go to war with us because our conventional weapons are superior. That is an exceedingly provocative thing to say. And he seems to be unaware, President Obama, that Russian military doctrine says that when confronted by overwhelming conventional forces, we can use nuclear weapons. They mean tactical nuclear weapons. I don’t think any informed president, his handlers, would have permitted him to make such a statement. In fact, depending on how far you want to take this conversation about the Obama administration, I don’t recall in my lifetime, in confrontations with Russia, an administration—I speak now of the president and his secretary of state—who seem in their public statements to be so misinformed, even uninformed, both about Ukraine and Russia. For example, when Kerry testified last week to Congress that all the unrest in Ukraine was due to Putin’s meddling and his provocations, he denied the underlying problem which has divided Ukraine. I mean, everybody knows that history, God, whoever’s responsible for our destiny, created a Ukraine that may have had one state, but wasn’t one country. It may be two, it may be three countries. But for John Kerry to say that all this conflict in Ukraine is due to Putin simply makes a resolution of the problem by denying the problem. Or let me ask you a question: What in the world was the director of the American CIA doing last Sunday—
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I was going to ask you about that.
STEPHEN COHEN: —in Kiev? It is mind-boggling that it was called a secret mission, when my grandson knows that the Ukrainian intelligence services are full of pro-Russian officers. And yet they send the head of the CIA, at this crucial, inflamed moment, thereby—to Kiev, thereby reinforcing the Russian narrative that everything that’s happening in Ukraine is an American provocation. What are they thinking?
AMY GOODMAN: Well, aside from having a very educated grandson, I just want to turn to NATO for a moment.
STEPHEN COHEN: Well, I told him that [inaudible]. But he got it. He got it.
AMY GOODMAN: NATO announced a series of steps to reinforce its forces—this isNATO in eastern Europe—because of the Ukraine crisis. NATO’s top military commander, Philip Breedlove, described the moves as defensive measures.
GEN. PHILIP BREEDLOVE: All the actions that we have proposed and have been accepted today are clearly defensive in nature. And I think it’s going to be very straightforward to see them as defensive in nature. They are designed to assure our allies. And so, I think that, in any case, it’s always a chance that you run that something might be misinterpreted. But we specifically designed these measures to assure our allies only and to be clearly seen as defensive in nature.
AMY GOODMAN: Your response, Professor Cohen?
STEPHEN COHEN: I’ve never known what "purely defensive weapons" have meant—I mean, presuming they are guns that shoot in only one direction. I mean, it’s going to have no effect. I mean, they’re talking about giving the Ukrainians maybe some small arms, some night vision stuff, some superior intelligence. They can’t give them intelligence information, because the Ukrainian intelligence services, as we know from the tapes we’ve had, the leaked tapes, and from the CIA secret mission which was exposed to Ukraine, revealed.
The real debate going on in NATO—the real debate, because this is a distraction—is what Rasmussen said in your earlier clip—he’s the political head of NATO—that we’re building up, as we talk, our forces in eastern Europe. Now, understand what’s going on here. When we took in—"we" meaning the United States and NATO—all these countries in eastern Europe into NATO, we did not—we agreed with the Russians we would not put forward military installations there. We built some infrastructure—air strips, there’s some barracks, stuff like that. But we didn’t station troops that could march toward Russia there. Now what NATO is saying, it is time to do that. Now, Russia already felt encircled by NATO member states on its borders. The Baltics are on its borders. If we move the forces, NATO forces, including American troops, to—toward Russia’s borders, where will we be then? I mean, it’s obviously going to militarize the situation, and therefore raise the danger of war.
And I think it’s important to emphasize, though I regret saying this, Russia will not back off. This is existential. Too much has happened. Putin—and it’s not just Putin. We seem to think Putin runs the whole of the universe. He has a political class. That political class has opinions. Public support is running overwhelmingly in favor of Russian policy. Putin will compromise at these negotiations, but he will not back off if confronted militarily. He will not.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I wanted to ask you about the situation in Russia, especially the growing—some reports are that Putin’s popularity has now surged to about 80 percent of the population, at a time when there was actually a dissident movement that was beginning to gather strength within Russia against the more authoritarian aspects of Russian society.
STEPHEN COHEN: Since this is Democracy Now!, let me assert my age and my credential. Beginning in the 1970s, I lived in Russia among the then-Soviet dissidents. They were brave people. They were pro-democracy. They struggled. They paid the price. With the coming of Gorbachev, who embraced many of their democratizing ideas, they were marginalized, or they moved into the establishment as official democratizers. This struggle has continued, even under Putin. But the result of this confrontation, East-West confrontation—and I can’t emphasize how fundamental and important it is—is going to set back whatever prospects remained in Russia for further democratization or re-democratization, possibly a whole generation. It is simply going to take all the traction these people have gotten out from under them. And still worse, the most authoritarian forces in Russia and Russia’s authoritarian traditions will now be reinvigorated politically in kind of a—
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And it’s all ultra-nationalist, as well, right?
STEPHEN COHEN: Well, I wouldn’t say it’s ultra-nationalists, but it’s certainly nationalist.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Right.
STEPHEN COHEN: And, I mean, by the way, we’re a nationalist country.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Right.
STEPHEN COHEN: We use a different word: We call it "patriotism." Do you remember an American president who ever ran and said, "I’m not an American patriot"? I say I’m an American patriot. We don’t call ourselves "nationalists." Also, we don’t have a state in the United States; we have a government. The Europeans have states. We have a government. But you take away the language—this is not unusual, but there—when it surges like this, as it does in run-ups to war—and we’re in the run-up at least to a possible war—this is what you get. That’s why I think the policy, the American policy, has been unwise from the beginning.
AMY GOODMAN: The front page of The New York Times: "Russia Economy Worsens Even Before Sanctions Hit." And they’re attributing it partly to Russia’s action in Crimea.
STEPHEN COHEN: Yeah. Well, I mean, the asymmetry of all of this, right? We say Putin’s got 40,000 troops on Ukraine’s border. And there may or may not be; nobody’s exactly clear how long they’ve been there and what they’re doing, but obviously they’re not helping the situation. But what we have are sanctions that we may put in place against Putin’s cronies. This is—this is the threat. This is what the White House says: "We are going to sanction his oligarchical cronies." And presumably, on this theory, they will go to him and say, "Look, Volodya, you’ve got to stop this, because my bank accounts ..." This is utter nonsense. First of all, he’ll just appoint new oligarchs. Secondly, there’s a law in the Russian Duma, the Parliament, being debated that the state will compensate anybody whose assets are frozen in the West. Now, I don’t know if they’ll pass the law, but you could see that this doesn’t bother the Kremlin leadership.
AMY GOODMAN: We just have one minute. The significance of the meeting in Geneva with Ukraine, Russia, United States, European Union, and what’s going to happen in eastern Ukraine?
STEPHEN COHEN: Well, I don’t know what’s going to happen, but things are getting worse and worse. People are being killed. So, obviously, that’s bad, and we’re moving closer toward a military confrontation. The Russians are asking at negotiations the following. They want NATO expansion ended to its all former Soviet republics. That means Ukraine and Georgia, period. I think we should give them that. This has been a reckless, endangering policy. It’s time for it to end. They want a federal Ukrainian state. That’s a debate. But Ukraine is several countries; you can only hold it together with a federal constitution. And they want, in the end, a stable Ukraine, and they will contribute financially to making that possible. I don’t see any reason there, other than the White House saving political face, why that’s not a good negotiating position to begin with.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, Stephen Cohen, we want to thank you very much for being with us, professor of Russian studies at New York University, before that, Princeton University, author of numerous books on Russia and the Soviet Union. His most recent book, Soviet Fates and Lost Alternatives: From Stalinism to the New Cold War, just out in paperback. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Stay with us.

Creative Commons LicenseThe original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.
  

[New post] Adorno, Book 2, Aphorisms

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poet816 posted: " This is the second book of Adordo's aphorisms. An aphorism is not, as commonly believed, a single sentence wittily phrased, laced with paradox or anger.  It is rather a condensed discussion of a single subject under a single heading, lasting as lon"

UKRAINE -- RIGHT WING SOLUTIONS

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UKRAINE -- RIGHT WING SOLUTIONS








I am old enough to remember when Dan Quayle was the most stupid Republican I had ever seen.  In fact, I recently saw a photo of him with that precise question.  Here are a few of his quotes:




"If we don't succeed, we run the risk of failure."

"Republicans understand the importance of bondage between a mother and child."

"What a waste it is to lose one's mind. Or not to have a mind is being very wasteful. How true that is."

"One word sums up probably the responsibility of any vice president, and that one word is 'to be prepared.'"


Today, however, we are faced with a plentitude.  A week ago or so, Obama sent Biden to Kiev.  I wondered what it would have been like if McCain had been elected and sent Sarah Palin there to straighten things up.  Here is a photo with a very recent quote:




Water-boarding, she said, is "how we baptize terrorists."





Things are stupid enough as they are and below is a discussion of that.  The fact is, we have violated every agreement we had with Russia since the wall fell and now it is surrounded by NATO.  No matter what we do, Putin will not allow NATO in Ukraine as it stands.





TUESDAY, APRIL 29, 2014

As Unrest Grows, Is Ukraine Paying the Price of U.S.-Russian Ties Stuck in Cold War Era?

The United States and the European Union have imposed new sanctions on Russia that target individuals and companies linked to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s inner circle. The moves come as the crisis in eastern Ukraine faces continued chaos. On Monday, pro-Russian separatists seized a new town and continued to detain seven European monitors. The mayor of the Ukraine’s second-largest city, Kharkiv, was shot in the back and is now in critical condition. Ukraine’s government and Western powers have accused Russia of orchestrating the unrest as a pretext for an invasion. We host a roundtable discussion with three guests: Christopher Miller, an editor at Kyiv Post, who has been based in Ukraine for four years; Jack Matlock, the U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union from 1987 to 1991; and Nina Khrushcheva, a professor of international affairs at The New School, and author of forthcoming book, "The Lost Khrushchev: Journey into the Gulag of the Russian Mind."

TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AARON MATÉ: The U.S. and European Union have imposed new sanctions on Russia amidst heightened tensions in eastern Ukraine. The U.S. sanctions target seven Russian government officials and 17 companies linked to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s inner circle. State Department spokesperson Jen Psaki told reporters the U.S. still has a, quote, "tool box of steps" it can take against Russia.
JEN PSAKI: Obviously, this morning we’ve been making clear—the United States has been making clear that it would impose additional costs if Russia—on Russia, if it failed to live up to its Geneva commitments and failed to take concrete steps to de-escalate the situation in Ukraine. Consequently, today, this morning, the United States is imposing targeted sanctions on a number of Russian individuals and entities, and restricting licenses for certain U.S. exports to Russia. Can Russia still de-escalate and take steps? Absolutely they can. Do we still have a tool box of steps we can take? Absolutely, we do. And we’re working in close consult—in close lockstep with the Europeans on this, as well.
AARON MATÉ: One day after the U.S., the European Union followed suit today with new sanctions on 15 more people suspected of having a direct link to the Ukrainian unrest. These moves come as the crisis in eastern Ukraine faces continued chaos. On Monday, pro-Russian separatists seized a new town and continued to detain seven European monitors.
Meanwhile, the mayor of Ukraine’s second-largest city is in critical condition after an attempt on his life. Kharkiv Mayor Hennadiy Kernes was shot in the back on the outskirts of the city, just 20 miles from the border with Russia. It’s unclear who was behind the attack. This is a surgeon who treated Kernes, followed by Kharkiv’s deputy mayor.
DR. VALERIY BOYKO: [translated] He is stable at the moment, but his condition is still severe, even closer to very severe, as it usually is with these types of injuries. When it comes to these types of injuries, the bleeding is usually rather strong. We’re talking about up to one-and-a-half liters of blood in total.
DEPUTY MAYOR MIKHAILO DOBKIN: [translated] If somebody thinks that this is the way to dramatically improve the situation, he is wrong. Any aggression will only increase confrontation.
AMY GOODMAN: The armed separatists in eastern Ukraine are seeking independence or annexation with Russia. Ukraine’s government and Western powers have accused Russia of orchestrating the unrest as a pretext for an invasion. All this comes as the Pentagon says Russia’s defense chief assured U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel in a telephone call Monday that Russia would not invade Ukraine. Meanwhile, the country continues to prepare for its May 25th presidential election.
For more, we’re joined by three guests. We go to Kiev via Democracy Now! video stream to speak with Christopher Miller, editor at the Kyiv Post, who has been based in Ukraine for four years.
From Princeton University, Jack Matlock served as U.S. ambassador to Moscow from 1987 to 1991. He was the last ambassador to the Soviet Union, the last U.S. ambassador. He’s the author of several books, including Superpower Illusions: How Myths and False Ideologies Led America Astray—and How to Return to Reality,Autopsy on an Empire: The American Ambassador’s Account of the Collapse of the Soviet Union and Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended.
Here in New York, Nina Khrushcheva is with us, professor of international affairs at New School. She’s author of the forthcoming book, The Lost Khrushchev: Journey into the Gulag of the Russian Mind; it’s out in a few weeks.
Let’s go, though, directly to Kiev to speak with Christopher Miller. Can you explain what is happening right now in Kiev?
CHRISTOPHER MILLER: Sure. So, the unrest is continuing. Things have been relatively calm today, all things considered. Yesterday we did see the takeover of another city administration building and, of course, the apparent assassination attempt of a mayor in the second-largest city of Ukraine. People believe that the attempt on his life was meant to further destabilize the situation. Obviously there are lots of different rumors flying around as to who might be behind it. Today, the government is taking steps it believes could help the situation. They are considering holding a referendum, in line with the elections on May 25th. It hasn’t been decided yet, but we’re hearing that talks are underway. Meanwhile, the separatist groups in eastern Ukraine, in these flashpoint cities of Kharkiv and Lugansk, Donetsk and Slavyansk, are considering holding unilateral referendums in their city on May 11th, in line with May holidays and Victory Day, which is a very big celebration here in the former Soviet Union.
AARON MATÉ: And, Chris Miller, how serious is the situation in eastern Ukraine compared to what happened in Crimea? In Crimea, Russia has now at least admitted that it was their forces that were sent in. There seems to be, though, much more uncertainty around who these separatists are in eastern Ukraine. What is happening right now, and how does this compare to what we saw in Crimea?
CHRISTOPHER MILLER: Well, it’s similar to Crimea, in the sense that it is this kind of slow-moving takeover of pro-Russian forces. But the differences are Crimea was controlled by pro—or, I’m sorry, by Russian soldiers, as we know now, and they were very well disciplined and orderly. There was really a lack of violence. We saw some skirmishes, and there was at least one or two deaths, but, overall, you know, it was done with a sense of professionalism, really, whereas what we’re seeing in the east now is the seizure of buildings, the takeover of entire cities, by men that are not so well trained, who might not have a military background, some that do, that are, you know, militia forces who have taken over police stations, are now armed with with automatic weapons, RPGs. We have seen some evidence that Russians are involved, not necessarily Russians who are members of Russia’s military, but Russian citizens who are a part of militia groups over there and have come into Ukraine to help lead this separatist movement.
AMY GOODMAN: Why was the mayor of Kiev—rather, the mayor of Kharkiv, why was he targeted?
CHRISTOPHER MILLER: Well, he is what people here deemed to be a political chameleon. He has flip-flopped a number of times in the last few months. He was a supporter of the former President Viktor Yanukovych, who was ousted on February 22nd, I believe. He fled the country overnight that night and was thrown out of office. He has since popped up in Moscow. He was also a member of the president’s political party, the Party of Regions, which is the ruling party, and now the opposition party, here. He has—well, during what was the Euromaidan revolution in December, January and February, he was a staunch critic of the revolution and spoke out against it. But once the president was ousted from office, he came out in favor of a united Ukraine. At the same time, he did speak for some of the separatist movements that had popped up, at least until the separatists lost control of the city administration building in his city. Once they were removed by police forces, he flopped again and said that he did support a united Ukraine and not necessarily separatism, but a federated state. So he’s angered people on both sides, really, making him a target by numerous groups. It’s unknown now, you know, who’s behind it. You know, I—
AMY GOODMAN: Who shot him.
CHRISTOPHER MILLER: Yeah, yeah, who shot him. You know, they believe it’s a lone sniper. A close friend and presidential candidate, Mikhailo Dobkin, actually came out today and said that he believes it was forces from Euromaidan that worked to assassinate him. But at this point, it’s not clear exactly who was behind the shooting.
AMY GOODMAN: Nina Khrushcheva, the sanctions that have been posed on Russian individuals, 17 companies, seven Russian individuals, on the oil company, the head of the oil company, but not the head of the gas company—talk about the significance of the U.S. and the European approach to dealing with Russia now.
NINA KHRUSHCHEVA: Well, the U.S. approach is much more forceful. I mean, we can say that the U.S.—I mean, there are various schools of thoughts—the U.S. didn’t go far enough because it targeted individuals, but, for example, the Rosneft company wasn’t itself targeted; Igor Sechin, the head of it, was. So there is a question how far the U.S. should have gone, and did they go far enough? On the other hand, the U.S. says that they still have a toolbox to push Russia with, and maybe that’s why they decided that, you know, for now it’s forceful enough, but not completely forceful.
The EU sanctions are not as forceful, and they’ve been the story all along, because we do know 25 to 30 percent of Russian energy goes to Europe. And there are a lot of other businesses in England. There is a lot of businesses in Germany. Trade is very, very important. Russia is a very important European partner. So they didn’t go far enough. And I found it very interesting that they actually targeted people who were directly involved in racking up those protests, the people who are—people in Donetsk, people who are security forces in Donetsk, which in some ways even more symbolic than we would like, because I think it is important to target those people. I don’t imagine that they are really shaking in their boots that they cannot go to Germany, for example, or cannot ski in the Alps. So, it is an important gesture. I don’t know how far enough it is going. I think the important person that—very important on both sides is Dmitry Kozak, the prime minister—deputy prime minister, who is allegedly responsible for the Crimean takeover, although there are other schools of thoughts, the first—in the first round of sanctions. Surkov is another person who was responsible, and he was already sanctioned. So, these are very important gestures.
I do, actually—I’m a huge fan of sanctions. I think that they go much, much further than that, because it does seem that when this—there is evidence that Russian businesses are going to suffer from the sanctions, the Russian rhetoric somewhat tones down, although, of course, now we hear that it’s we’re back to 1949, we’re back to the United States—I mean, Europe is doing American bidding and whatnot. But sanctions, I think—I think trade forces probably are the most—the most forceful measure to deal with Putin.
AARON MATÉ: It was only a few weeks ago that we had this agreement in Geneva between the U.S., EU, Russia, Ukraine. All sides were supposed to drop support for the armed groups. Has anybody tried to follow through on what they agreed to in Geneva?
NINA KHRUSHCHEVA: It doesn’t seem that on both sides, because there’s still the right sector that is still very forceful, or at least so it is presented by the Russian. They do seem to occupy buildings. I actually read the recent report that in Lviv there are even coffee shops open, a bar, with the right sector and sort of some fascist rhetoric involved. And the thing about the Russians, they use this as such a great tool of propaganda.
I actually would like to add to why I think East Ukraine is different from the Crimea story, because in Crimea there really was a lot of support. With Russian guns or not, there was a lot of support for becoming Russian. In eastern Ukraine, I think the Russians are so meddling and so forceful precisely because there are probably 20—and maybe 30, but I wouldn’t even go that far—of the population that may want to become part of Russia. So they have to—they have to push hard. And then, of course, in East Donetsk, they can continue to—Russians continue to be involved and push very hard, precisely because they, first of all, need the referendum for the 11th to make sure that there are many more people than there really they are—many poor people supposedly support the secession—and also to meddle before the elections on the 25th of May.
AMY GOODMAN: Jack Matlock, you’re the last U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, now at Princeton University. How can—
JACK MATLOCK: Not quite.
AMY GOODMAN: To the Soviet Union?
JACK MATLOCK: I’m sorry? No, Robert Strauss was the last ambassador to the Soviet Union.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, nearing the end there. How do you think the U.S. could most—
JACK MATLOCK: Yes, very close to the end.
AMY GOODMAN: How could the U.S. most effectively deal with President Putin?
JACK MATLOCK: I think that we—if we’re going to be effective, we need to take as much as we can out of the public arena and deal privately with these issues. When it has become sort of a contest between our presidents—you know, who can do what to the other—it becomes, I think, very emotional, and it tends to push things, I think, in the wrong direction. So I would hope that having done some of the sanctions that we promised, when we promised them, we have to do them. We should try, to the maximum, to go private. And in particular, I think where we can be most helpful is convincing the authorities in Kiev to come to any reasonable terms that the Russians are asking. Publicly, at least, they’re asking for a federal constitution, they’re asking for equal treatment of the Russian and Ukrainian languages, and they’re asking for a pledge of neutrality. I think all of those three demands, on the surface, are reasonable. And it seems to me that working quietly with the Ukrainians in Kiev and the Europeans is going to be more helpful than the sanctions.
AARON MATÉ: And, Ambassador, what could the Obama administration do differently than this administration and previous administrations have done in the past towards Russia?
JACK MATLOCK: I didn’t understand the question.
AARON MATÉ: What could the U.S. do differently in its approach to Russia than it has done in the past? You’ve been critical of how the U.S. has treated Putin.
JACK MATLOCK: Oh, well, the most fundamental issue here was the threat ofNATO membership eventually for Ukraine. This is something that no Russian government, no matter how democratic, is going to accept. And they will use any methods at their disposal to make sure it doesn’t happen. And that’s what we see happening now. And if this issue had never been raised, I think it would have been much easier to work out the economic issues, which are the most important ones.
But also something to remember is, throughout the 22-plus years of Ukraine’s independence, the Ukrainians have not been able to create an effective government of the entire country. They have not been able to create a sense of nationality. It is, in many respects, a failed state. And all of the parties from outside, beginning with Russia, but also including the Europeans and the United States, I think, have followed policies that have not been helpful.
AMY GOODMAN: Let’s go back right now to Chris Miller in Kiev. What is the sense of what will be happening there now and the sense of the sanctions? The European Union clearly doesn’t want to go after the gas because they’re so—they are so reliant on it, so the U.S. is targeting oil. Is there a sense that a civil war could break out?
CHRISTOPHER MILLER: There’s not so much a sense of civil war, but rather a partisan war. There are partisan forces and militia groups that are preparing themselves for such a thing. They’re training out in places outside of Kiev. They’re training in eastern Ukraine.
You know, and what I wanted to say—actually, it was said earlier—in terms of what’s different between Crimea and the east—I think this goes with your question—is, there isn’t much support for what is happening in eastern Ukraine out in eastern Ukraine. It’s a very small minority that is, you know, seizing these buildings, holding the cities captive. You know, I think more than 75 percent of the population in the region is not in support of what is taking place there. You know, there is a significant percentage of the population that is for some independence from the central government in Kiev, but not necessarily separating from Ukraine altogether and joining Russia, or becoming altogether independent.
But this is certainly a situation that is escalating. It’s a very fluid situation. And, you know, our sources in the security services and Defense Ministry are telling us that it could get worse over the course of the May holidays in the next couple of weeks.
AMY GOODMAN: And, Ambassador Jack Matlock, President Obama’s response in the Philippines to the Fox question about his foreign policy being in disarray, and he responds by talking about why the U.S. should not be involved in a war again. You have been a critic of the U.S. getting involved militarily in Ukraine. What did you think of President Obama’s response?
JACK MATLOCK: I thought his response was excellent. And I think his general effort to keep us out of conflict and remove us from those are—I applaud. What I have criticized regarding dealing with Ukraine has been a pattern of activity, starting with the way NATO was expanded without an apparent stop at some point, and also the attempt in Kiev to get involved in local politics. I think that was unwise, and I think that has given a sort of an East-West competitive cast to what is an internal, basically, Ukrainian matter. So that, I’ve criticized. I very much applaud President Obama’s attempt to very much limit our use of force in international affairs. I think that is the way to go. And I think he expressed it very, very well in his Manila remarks.
AMY GOODMAN: As we wrap up, Nina Khrushcheva, you’re the great-granddaughter, adopted granddaughter of the late Soviet premier, Nikita Khrushchev. How does this period in Russian history compare to what has taken place in the past?
NINA KHRUSHCHEVA: Well, I mean, it has been compared with the Cuban missile crisis numerous times. And to a degree, it is a fair comparison, I think, because it was—we’re very close to a brink of absolute disaster. And I do think that President Putin, President Obama, the new Kiev government, they really need to—and I completely agree with Ambassador Matlock, whose—I have to proudly say, I was research assistant at one point at Princeton—that it has really—I mean, all cards are on the table. Now it has to be done quietly because, as I’ve been writing and I just wrote yesterday in a Reuters piece, is that the more we talk about—the more America scolds Putin, the more it becomes an ideological battle. And once you start an ideological battle, it’s actually very difficult to get away from the real crisis, from the boots on the ground, from affecting people who live day-to-day life and become involved in this kind of ideology while they really need to be going on about their life business.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to thank you all for being with us. Nina Khrushcheva is a professor of international affairs at New School here in New York. Her forthcoming book, coming out very soon, The Lost Khrushchev: Journey into the Gulag of the Russian Mind. We want to thank Ambassador Jack Matlock, who is a former U.S. ambassador to Moscow, and Christopher Miller, who is with the Kyiv Post, speaking to us from Kiev.
This is Democracy Now! When we come back, the scandal that is rocking the sports world. Stay with us.

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[New post] Capitalism, Adorno, Mann, and the Devil

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poet816 posted: " This is the last part of Adorno's Aphorisms in his publication called Minima Moralia. It was written in honor of Max Horkheimer, whose The Eclipse of Reason Is the signature document of the Frankfurt School. There were predecessors, of course, but it is"

CALL FOR WAR ON STUPIDITY

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CALL FOR WAR ON STUPIDITY




Illustration:  Have any of you even heard of this?  This shows what plates you need to drive in what sections of Israel.  Anyone who has had to renew plates in the U.S. and a DMV will appreciate the idiocy involved.




This illustration contains a word we have never before used at this site.  We do not block those under 18, so we are careful, but we will use it here.  We further state that we will not use that word again!





Illustration2: Self-explanatory

These are some thoughts, not really related, except to one thing: instead of a war on drugs, we need a war on stupidity.  Granted, there would be many casualties, especially in the south, but hey, war is war, as our leaders have so often pointed out.  One of you said "also ignorance," but herein ignorance is considered a part of stupidity, especially willful ignorance.

The last war I liked was the War on Poverty.  The War on Christmas would have been ok, but it never got started.  It turned out we lost that one too.  There was the cold war, the war on drugs, the war on terrorism, and now, please let's have this war on stupidity.

After all, if we keep calling Hitler's strategy Blitzkrieg, we should call popular beliefs Dumbfheitkrieg, or in better phrasing, we need a Krieg auf Dummheit.  

Is there a difference between our political parties?  Depends on how you measure.  Still, voting for the lesser of two evils is still voting for evil.  W. C. Fields had a way of maintaining his own sort of integrity: "I never vote for, I always vote against."  Still, the essential problems remains.

Republicans seem eager to investigate Benghazi when less that 2% of them can locate the continent in which it lies on the map.  Still, it would be more worthy of investigation if the interest was in why we got there is the first place than on what was said on Meet the Press on Sunday Morning after some outpost was attacked.  Somebody said it was Ben•gha•zi, v.: The act of beating a dead hoax.

Let's put it this way: the fact is that more than three times as many people think the Malaysian Airliner was abducted by aliens from outer space than can locate the continent on which Benghazi lies.

I've seen attacks on the VA hospital system, and they are justified.  Now, who voted what way when the money was being asked for by the hospital system?  Anybody checked?  That is where the problem is, of course.  Not enough doctors, staff, etc.  Was it a move against "Big Government"?  After all, once a person is a veteran, he is no long a piece of military equipment -- he is a human being and therefore less valued?  Still, overall, the standard of care there is better than in the private sector -- unless you are very rich.

Paul Ryan, a Republican, said that any woman who has an abortion after being raped should have the same prison sentence as her rapist.  See, he proclaimed he was a devotee of Ann Rand until someone told him she was a atheist.  Gotta punish victims, you know.

For a month or so, CNN covered a useless search for an airliner 24/7.  They have now turned their attention to Donald Sterling, the Owner of a Basketball team who sounds racist.  He said that he was just trying to get laid, that's all, and wasn't racist.  He also said that when Magic Johnson contracted HIV, he, Donald, prayed for him at the synagogue -- maybe that saved Magic from AIDS?  If so, here is the solution to the Boku Haram situation:  Donald Sterling should pray for the safe deliverance of the kidnapped girls in the synagogue.  That will save us, at least, from more stupid metaphors.

The fool's wife in 79 years old.  She has had so many face-lifts that Los Angeles is now below sea level.

I am so old I remember what the "Group W Bench" was.

I remember when the parties seemed to be different.

On Twitter someone said "The differences between the Zoos in the South and North is that the Southern ones include a recipe under the animal's name."

A farmer in Mississippi who walks into town with a sheep under each arm is called a pimp.

The word “fascism” has been misused and stripped of much of its meaning just as the word “decimate,” meaning reduce by a tenth, was replaced by the word "destroyed."
I use the term to mean a government of the capitalists, with the military, combined with the political class or sector.  All united.  In addition, when you tell a group of people that they, as a class, or “race,” are inherently superior to all other groups, or “races,” you are not likely to find much dissent -- from them.  

For Ukraine, I’m referring to the “Ultra-Nationalist” faction that thinks all Ukranians are superior to all other races, that Ukraine is the center of civilization, and, even in Soviet days, called itself the “breadbasket of the Soviet Union.”  I used to have some pretty silly discussions on this as I’m not that fond of breadbaskets per se.

It is more of a 19th century type thing as well.  These are the people that had snipers on bother sides of the street firing down on the people and claiming that these were Russian agents.  Ukraine also sided with the Nazis in WWII, very happy to have them attack Russia.  A sizable minority marches with general approval while wearing swastikas.  This is unfair to the swastika.
Now, this is only a faction, but it is sizable, about a half of the people who want a united Ukraine.  The attacks these days on the so-called “separatists” rather remind me of how our media cheer on the Al-quaeda types fighting against Assad.  These are sent by Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states as well as some European countries.  Many speak little Arabic and are from Chechnia and those areas and some are relocating to Ukraine.

As far as Putin goes, he is fun, but I certainly don’t want to be that close to him.  I’m sure you do know how we have broken our part of the deal by expanding NATO further westward, continuing to surround Russia.  Russia has always had hostile borders and Napoleon and Hitler had attacks against Russia in common.

It is getting to be a lot like Israel, in fact.  Now it wants to be officially a “Jewish” state, which it always has been, of course, but previously maintained the fiction that it was “the only democracy in the Mideast” (remember that one?)  Well, many people in Israel are fascists and ultra-nationalist as well. God, they say is on their side (and don’t forget Auschwitz), but God could not be reached for comment.   Between 28 and 30 million Russians died in that same war.

So, yes, the term fascist is misused, but these people in Ukraine (Kiev) are no friends of democracy or socialism.  Dividing the damn country along that river would be a good idea, letting the east join Russia.  The people in Crimea were thrilled to have their salaries tripled and be less looked down upon, and the same goes for much of Ukraine.  I can’t remember the city (Odessa) off hand, but another southern area also wants out of Ukraine.  Another vote to separate got 90% in favor -- no matter how our media tries to attack the numbers.  Ukrainian soldiers are being ambushed in the East and Pro-Kiev women read Ukrainian poetry to their daughters. 

So, call them what you will.  Half of them are insane romantic nationalists in love with the idea of being a superior race. 

That was a quote from an e-mail I recently sent one of you who objected to name-calling.  Actually, it is not the same as what I sent, but it seemed an easy way to explain the margins which I can't get straightened out. They straightened out here, so I went back and put it all in italics.

Since when does Sharia Law prescribe cutting open a guy's chest and eating his heart on video?  What does this have to do with a Hollywood hotel?

Why do the people in Boko Haram always appear dancing?  The leader said God told him to sell the girls, now he is using them to bargain.  Corporate media's response?  "Should we play ball with terrorists?"  I kid you not.  Anybody want to play ball these days?  Metaphors sometimes miss the mark.  Remember, however, Donald Sterling may save them.

Is Dennis Rodman really a traitor?  Sort of basketball's answer to Snowden? 

Monica Lewinski. 

Bundy on the ranch and grazing cows?  Somehow I always think of Bud and Kelley and Peg.  Oh, remember Ted?  If your name is Bundy, change it.

When I hear about the Royals, I first think of the baseball team.  Who are these German in-breeders who parade around England?

Well, time to go.  I just want to post this as it has been stilling here for awhile.  Oh, I wanted to mention that "Besetzen Kapitalism" is the all time leading article here, with Adorno just recently tying him.  I think I can safely say that few stupid people are reading this site.  In fact, I almost feel like apologizing to those who do read stuff and this site for reminding them of this stupidity, but hey, you gotta make do with what you have, eh?



CALL FOR Krieg auf Dummheit

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CALL FOR Krieg auf Dummheit


CALL FOR Krieg auf Dummheit
Illustration:   ? Hat jemand von euch auch davon gehört   Das zeigt, was Sie Platten, in welcher Abschnitte Israel fahren müssen.   Jeder, der hatte um Platten in den USA und einer DMV erneuern die Idiotie beteiligt zu schätzen wissen.
Diese Darstellung enthält ein Wort, das wir noch nie zuvor an der Seite.   Wir blockieren nicht unter 18, so dass wir vorsichtig sind, aber wir werden es hier zu verwenden.   wir weiter feststellen, dass wir nicht wieder dieses Wort!

Illustration2: Selbsterklärend
Dies sind einige Gedanken, nicht wirklich verwandt, nur um eine Sache: Statt einem Krieg gegen die Drogen, brauchen wir einen Krieg auf Dummheit.   Zugegeben, gäbe es viele Opfer, vor allem im Süden, aber hey, das ist Krieg Krieg, als unsere Führer haben so oft darauf hingewiesen.   Einer von Ihnen sagte: "auch Unwissenheit," aber hier Unwissenheit, wird als Bestandteil der Dummheit, vor allem vorsätzliche Unwissenheit.
Der letzte Krieg, ich mochte, war der Krieg gegen die Armut.   Der Krieg gegen Weihnachten gewesen wäre ok, aber es wurde nie gestartet.   Es stellte sich heraus, dass wir verloren auch einen.   Es war der kalte Krieg, der Krieg gegen die Drogen, den Krieg gegen den Terrorismus , und jetzt, bitte lassen Sie uns diesen Krieg auf Dummheit.
Nach allem, wenn wir halten Berufung Hitlers Blitzkrieg-Strategie, sollten wir Volksglauben nennen Dumbfheitkrieg, oder besser in Phrasierung, brauchen wir einen Krieg Markt auf Dummheit.  
? Gibt es einen Unterschied zwischen unseren politischen Parteien   . drauf an, wie man messen   Dennoch stimmen über die kleinere von zwei Übeln ist immer noch der Abstimmung für das Böse.   WC Fields hatte eine Art, die Aufrechterhaltung seiner eigenen Art von Integrität: "ich wähle nie, ich immer dagegen stimmen. "  Dennoch bleibt die wesentlichen Probleme.
Republikaner scheinen begierig nach Benghazi zu untersuchen, wenn weniger als 2% von ihnen können den Kontinent, in dem es auf der Karte zu lokalisieren liegt.   Dennoch wäre es wert, wenn die Untersuchung im Interesse war, warum wir dort ist der erste Ort, als auf das, was . wurde am Meet the Press am Sonntag Morgen sagte, nachdem einige Außenposten angegriffen wurde   Jemand sagte, es war Ben zi • • gha, v.: Der Akt der gegen einen toten Falschmeldung.
Sagen wir es so: die Tatsache ist, dass mehr als drei Mal so viele Menschen denken, die malaysische Verkehrsflugzeug wurde von Aliens aus dem Weltraum entführt, als der Kontinent, auf dem Benghazi liegt lokalisieren.
Ich habe Angriffe auf die VA Krankenhaus-System gesehen, und sie sind berechtigt.   Nun, wer auf welche Weise gewählt, wenn das Geld wurde für das Krankenhaus-System gefragt?   Wer überprüft?   Das ist, wo das Problem ist, natürlich.   Nicht genug Ärzte , Personal usw.   ? War es ein Schritt gegen "Big Government"  Nach allem, sobald eine Person ist ein Veteran, er ist nicht lange ein Stück von militärischer Ausrüstung - er ist ein Mensch und daher weniger geschätzt   noch insgesamt die Qualität der Versorgung ist besser als in der Privatwirtschaft - wenn Sie sehr reich sind.
Paul Ryan, ein Republikaner, sagte, dass jede Frau, die eine Abtreibung nach der Vergewaltigung hat die gleiche Haftstrafe, als ihr Vergewaltiger haben.   Siehe, er verkündete er ein Anhänger von Ann Rand war, bis jemand sagte ihm, sie war ein Atheist.   Erhielt bestrafen Opfer , wissen Sie.
Für einen Monat oder so, CNN bedeckt eine vergebliche Suche nach einem Flugzeug 24/7.   haben sie nun ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf Donald Sterling, der Besitzer eines Basketball-Team, rassistische klingt.   Er sagte, er habe nur versucht, flachgelegt zu werden, das ist alle, und war nicht rassistisch.   Er sagte auch, dass, wenn Magic Johnson HIV infiziert, er, Donald, für ihn in der Synagoge gebetet - vielleicht, die Magie von AIDS gerettet?   Wenn ja, hier ist die Lösung für die Boku Haram Situation:   Donald Sterling sollte für die sichere Befreiung der entführten Mädchen in der Synagoge zu beten.   Das wird uns retten, zumindest aus dümmer Metaphern.
Die Frau des Narren in 79 Jahre alt.   Sie hat so viele Face-Liftings hatten, dass Los Angeles ist jetzt unter dem Meeresspiegel.
Ich bin so alt, ich erinnere mich, was die "Gruppe W Bench" war.
Ich erinnere mich, wenn die Parteien schien anders zu sein.
Auf Twitter sagte jemand: "Die Unterschiede zwischen den Zoos in der Süd-und Nord ist, dass die die südlichen gehören ein Rezept unter dem Namen des Tieres."
Ein Bauer in Mississippi, die in die Stadt mit einem Schaf unter jedem Arm geht, wird als Zuhälter.
Das Wort "Faschismus" missbraucht wurde, und viel von seiner Bedeutung beraubt so wie das Wort "dezimieren", also um ein Zehntel zu reduzieren, wurde ersetzt durch das Wort "zerstört."
Ich verwende den Begriff, um eine Regierung der Kapitalisten, mit dem Militär in Verbindung mit der politischen Klasse oder Sektor bedeuten. Alle vereint. Darüber hinaus, wenn Sie eine Gruppe von Menschen, dass sie, als eine Klasse, oder "Rasse", sind von Natur aus besser als alle anderen Gruppen, oder sagen Sie "Rassen", sind Sie wahrscheinlich nicht viel Dissens zu finden - von ihnen.  
Für die Ukraine, ich bin auf die "Ultra-Nationalist"-Fraktion, die denkt, dass alle Ukrainer sind besser als alle anderen Rassen, dass die Ukraine ist das Zentrum der Zivilisation, und auch in der Sowjetzeit, nannte sich die "Kornkammer der Sowjetunion . "Früher habe ich einige ziemlich dumme Diskussionen über diese haben, wie ich bin nicht so gern Brotkästen an sich.
Es ist mehr eine 19 th Jahrhundert Typ Sache als gut. Dies sind die Menschen, die Scharfschützen auf die Mühe Seiten der Straße schießen sich auf die Menschen und behauptet, dass es sich um russische Agenten hatte. Ukraine auch auf die Seite der Nazis im Zweiten Weltkrieg, sehr glücklich, dass sie angreifen Russland. Eine ansehnliche Minderheit marschiert auf allgemeine Zustimmung, während das Tragen Hakenkreuze.   Dies ist unfair, das Hakenkreuz.
Nun, dies ist nur eine Fraktion, aber es ist beträchtlich, etwa die Hälfte der Menschen, die eine vereinte Ukraine wollen. Die Angriffe in diesen Tagen auf den so genannten "Separatisten" und nicht daran erinnern mich daran, wie unsere Medien jubeln auf den Al-Qaida-Typen im Kampf gegen Assad. Diese werden von Saudi-Arabien und anderen Golfstaaten sowie einigen europäischen Ländern gesendet. Viele sprechen wenig Arabisch und sind aus Tschetschenien und den Bereichen, und einige sind dem Umzug in die Ukraine.
Soweit Putin geht, er ist lustig, aber ich möchte auf keinen Fall zu sein, dass ihm nahe. Ich bin sicher, Sie wissen, wie wir unseren Teil des Deals durch die Erweiterung der NATO weiter nach Westen, weiter nach Russland umgeben gebrochen. Russland hatte schon immer feindlich Grenzen und Napoleon und Hitler hatten Angriffe gegen Russland gemeinsam.
Es wird immer auf eine Menge, wie Israel, in der Tat. Jetzt will sie offiziell ein "jüdischer" Staat, der es immer war, natürlich, aber vorher die Fiktion, dass es "die einzige Demokratie im Nahen Osten" (Sie erinnern sich, dass man?) Gepflegte, viele Menschen in Israel sind Faschisten und ultranationalistischen als gut. Gott, sagen sie auf ihrer Seite (und nicht vergessen, Auschwitz), aber Gott konnte nicht für einen Kommentar erreicht werden.    Zwischen 28 und 30 Millionen Russen starben im selben Krieg.

Also, ja, der Begriff Faschismus missbraucht, aber diese Menschen in der Ukraine (Kiew) sind keine Freunde von Demokratie und Sozialismus. Teilt man die verdammte Land entlang dieses Flusses wäre eine gute Idee zu sein, ließ den Osten kommen Russland. Die Menschen auf der Krim waren begeistert, dass ihre Gehälter verdreifacht und werden weniger verpönt, und das gleiche gilt für einen Großteil der Ukraine. Ich kann die Stadt (Odessa) nicht erinnern, aus der Hand, aber eine andere südliche Bereich will auch aus der Ukraine. Eine weitere Stimme zu trennen, haben 90% dafür - egal, wie unsere Medien versucht, die Zahlen anzugreifen.   ukrainischen Soldaten werden im Osten überfallen und Pro-Kiew ukrainische Frauen lesen Gedichte, ihre Töchter. 

So nennen sie das, was du willst. Die Hälfte von ihnen sind wahnsinnig romantischen Nationalisten in der Liebe mit der Idee, eine überlegene Rasse. 
Das war ein Zitat aus einer E-Mail gesendet Ich habe vor kurzem ein von Ihnen, die Beschimpfungen widersprochen.   Eigentlich ist es nicht das gleiche wie das, was ich geschickt, aber es schien eine einfache Möglichkeit, um die Margen, die ich kann nicht erklären, begradigt. begradigt Sie hier, also ging ich hin und setzte alles in Kursivschrift.
Seit wann gibt es die Scharia verschreiben Aufschneiden der Brust eines Kerls und Essen sein Herz auf Video?   Was hat das mit einem Hollywood-Hotel zu tun?
Warum haben die Menschen in Boko Haram erscheinen immer tanzen?   Der Führer sagte Gott sagte ihm, die Mädchen zu verkaufen, jetzt ist er mit ihnen zu verhandeln.   Reaktion Corporate-Medien?   "Sollen wir Ball spielen mit Terroristen?"  Ich mache keine Witze.   Will jemand Ball spielen in diesen Tagen?   Metaphern manchmal vermisse die Marke.   Bedenken Sie jedoch, kann Donald Sterling sie zu retten.
Dennis Rodman ist wirklich ein Verräter?   Sortieren von Basketball-Antwort zur Snowden? 
Monica Lewinski. 
Bundy auf der Ranch und weidenden Kühen?   Irgendwie habe ich von Bud und Kelley und Peg denke immer.   Oh, daran erinnern, Ted?   Wenn Ihr Name ist Bundy, ändern Sie es.
Wenn ich höre, über die Royals, ich glaube, der erste Baseball-Team.   Wer sind diese in Deutsch-Züchter, die Parade rund um England?
Nun, Zeit zu gehen.   Ich will nur diese veröffentlicht, sobald sie wurde Schwall hier für eine Weile.   Oh, wollte ich erwähnen, dass "Besetzen Kapitalism" ist die Zeit, alle führenden Artikel hier, mit Adorno ihn gerade vor kurzem binden.   Ich glaube, ich kann sicher sagen, dass nur wenige dumme Menschen lesen diese Seite.   In der Tat, ich fühle mich fast wie zu entschuldigen für diejenigen, die daran erinnern, dieser Dummheit lesen Sie Sachen und diese Seite, aber hey, du musst machen Sie mit, was Sie haben, was?

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